Ulysses S. Grant

Ulysses S. Grant (born Hiram Ulysses Grant; April 27, 1822 – July 23, 1885) was an American soldier and politician who served as the 18th president of the United States from 1869 to 1877. Before his presidency, Grant led the Union Army in winning the American Civil War. As president, Grant worked with the Radical Republicans in the Reconstruction of the Union while having to deal with corruption in his administration.

Ulysses S. Grant
18th President of the United States
In office
March 4, 1869  March 4, 1877
Vice President
Preceded byAndrew Johnson
Succeeded byRutherford B. Hayes
Acting United States Secretary of War
In office
August 12, 1867  January 14, 1868
PresidentAndrew Johnson
Preceded byEdwin Stanton
Succeeded byEdwin Stanton
6th Commanding General of the United States Army
In office
March 9, 1864  March 4, 1869
Preceded byHenry W. Halleck
Succeeded byWilliam Tecumseh Sherman
Personal details
Hiram Ulysses Grant

(1822-04-27)April 27, 1822
Point Pleasant, Ohio, U.S.
DiedJuly 23, 1885(1885-07-23) (aged 63)
Wilton, New York, U.S.
Cause of deathThroat cancer
Resting placeGrant's Tomb, New York City
Political partyRepublican
Julia Dent (m. 1848)
EducationUnited States Military Academy (BS)
Military service
Branch/service United States Army (Union Army)
Years of service
  • 1839–1854
  • 1861–1869
Rank General of the Army

Raised in Ohio, young Grant developed an exceptional ability with horses, which served him well through his military career. He was admitted to West Point and graduated from the U.S. military academy in 1843. Grant served with distinction in the Mexican–American War. In 1848, he married Julia Dent, and together they had four children. Grant abruptly resigned his army commission in 1854 and returned to his family, but lived in poverty for seven years. During the Civil War, he joined the Union Army in 1861, and led the Vicksburg campaign, which gained control of the Mississippi River in 1863. After Grant's victory at Chattanooga, President Abraham Lincoln promoted Grant to Lieutenant General. For thirteen months, Grant fought Robert E. Lee during the high casualty Overland Campaign and at Petersburg. On April 9, 1865, Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox. A week later, Lincoln was assassinated, and was succeeded by President Andrew Johnson, who promoted Grant to General of the Army in 1866. Later Grant openly broke with Johnson over Reconstruction policies; Grant used the reconstruction acts, which had been passed over Johnson's veto, to enforce civil rights for African freedmen.

A war hero but a reluctant politician, Grant was unanimously nominated by the Republican Party and was elected president in 1868. As president, Grant stabilized the post-war national economy, created the Department of Justice, and prosecuted the Ku Klux Klan. He appointed African-Americans and Jewish-Americans to prominent federal offices. In 1871, he created the first Civil Service Commission. The Liberal Republicans and Democrats united behind Grant's opponent in the presidential election of 1872, but Grant was handily re-elected. Grant's Native American policy had both successes and failures. In foreign affairs, the Grant administration peacefully resolved the Alabama claims against Great Britain, but the Senate rejected Grant's prized Caribbean Dominican Republic annexation. Corruption in the executive branch became notorious: several of Grant's cabinet members and other appointees were fired or had to resign. The Panic of 1873 plunged the nation into a severe economic depression, that allowed the Democrats win the House majority. In the intensely disputed Presidential election of 1876, Grant facilitated the approval by Congress of a peaceful compromise.

In his retirement, Grant was the first president to circumnavigate the world on his tour meeting with many foreign leaders. In 1880, Grant was unsuccessful in obtaining the Republican presidential nomination for a third term. In the final year of his life, facing severe financial reversals and dying of throat cancer, he wrote his memoirs, which proved to be a major critical and financial success. At the time of his death, he was memorialized as a symbol of national unity.

Historical assessments of Grant's legacy have varied. Historians have recognized Grant's military genius, and his modern strategies of warfare are featured in military history textbooks. 20th century historical rankings of presidents of the United States, ranked Grant among the worst presidents because of corruption charges against some of his top appointees or White House military aides. 21st century historians have emphasized Grant's presidential accomplishments including the Alabama Claims settlement, protection of Blacks and Indians, and the first Civil Service Commission. Grant was an embattled president who faced a difficult challenge getting the entire nation to accept Reconstruction efforts.

Early life and education

Hiram Ulysses Grant was born in Point Pleasant, Ohio, on April 27, 1822, to Jesse Root Grant, a tanner and merchant, and Hannah Simpson Grant.[1] His ancestors Matthew and Priscilla Grant arrived aboard the ship Mary and John at Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1630.[2] Grant's great-grandfather fought in the French and Indian War, and his grandfather, Noah, served in the American Revolution at Bunker Hill.[3] Afterward, Noah settled in Pennsylvania and married Rachel Kelley, the daughter of an Irish pioneer.[4] Their son Jesse (Ulysses's father) was a Whig Party supporter and a fervent abolitionist.[5] Jesse Grant moved to Point Pleasant in 1820 and found work as a foreman in a tannery.[6] He soon met his future wife, Hannah, and the two were married on June 24, 1821.[7] Hannah descended from Presbyterian immigrants from Ballygawley in County Tyrone, Ireland.[8][9] Ten months after she was married, Hannah gave birth to Ulysses, her and Jesse's first child.[10] The boy's name, Ulysses, was drawn from ballots placed in a hat. To honor his father-in-law, Jesse declared the boy named Hiram Ulysses, though he would always refer to him as Ulysses.[11][lower-alpha 2]

In 1823, the family moved to Georgetown, Ohio, where five more siblings were born: Simpson, Clara, Orvil, Jennie, and Mary.[13] At the age of five, Ulysses began his formal education, starting at a subscription school and later in two private schools.[14] In the winter of 1836–1837, Grant was a student at Maysville Seminary, and in the autumn of 1838, he attended John Rankin's academy. In his youth, Grant developed an unusual ability to ride and manage horses.[15] Grant disliked the tannery, so his father put his ability with horses to use by giving him work driving wagon loads of supplies and transporting people.[16] Unlike his siblings, Grant was not forced to attend church by his Methodist parents.[17][lower-alpha 3] For the rest of his life, he prayed privately and never officially joined any denomination.[19] To others, including his own son, Grant appeared to be an agnostic.[20] He inherited some of Hannah's Methodist piety and quiet nature.[21] Grant was largely apolitical before the war but wrote, "If I had ever had any political sympathies they would have been with the Whigs. I was raised in that school."[22]

Early military career and personal life

West Point and first assignment

Grant's father wrote to Representative Thomas L. Hamer requesting that he nominate Ulysses to the United States Military Academy (USMA) at West Point, New York. Despite their political differences, Hamer, a Democrat, nominated the 17-year-old to West Point in Spring 1839.[23] Grant was accepted on July 1, although he doubted his academic abilities.[24] Hamer got Grant's name wrong and on September 14, Grant was enlisted Cadet "U.S. Grant" at the national academy.[25][lower-alpha 4] His nickname at West Point became "Sam" among army colleagues since the initials "U.S." also stood for "Uncle Sam".[29]

Initially, Grant was indifferent to military life, but within a year he reexamined his desire to leave the academy and later wrote that "on the whole I like this place very much".[30] While at the Academy, his greatest interest was horses, and he earned a reputation as the "most proficient" horseman.[31] During the graduation ceremony, while riding York, a large and powerful horse that only Grant could manage, he set a high-jump record that stood for 25 years.[32][lower-alpha 5] Seeking relief from military routine, he studied under Romantic artist Robert Walter Weir, producing nine surviving artworks.[34] He spent more time reading books from the library than his academic texts, including works by James Fenimore Cooper and others.[35] On Sundays, cadets were required to march to and attend services at the academy's church, a requirement that Grant disliked.[36] Quiet by nature, Grant established a few intimate friends among fellow cadets, including Frederick Tracy Dent and James Longstreet. He was inspired both by the Commandant, Captain Charles F. Smith and by General Winfield Scott, who visited the academy to review the cadets. Grant later wrote of the military life, "there is much to dislike, but more to like."[37]

Grant graduated on June 30, 1843, ranked 21st out of 39 in his class and was promoted the next day to the rank brevet second lieutenant.[38] Small for his age at 17, he had entered the academy weighing only 117 pounds at five feet two inches tall; upon graduation four years later he had grown to a height of five feet seven inches.[39] Grant planned to resign his commission after his four-year term of duty.[40] He would later write to a friend that among the happiest days of his life were the day he left the presidency and the day he left the academy.[41] Despite his excellent horsemanship, he was not assigned to the cavalry, but to the 4th Infantry Regiment. Grant's first assignment took him to the Jefferson Barracks near St. Louis, Missouri.[42] Lt. Col. Robert C. Buchanan fined Grant wine bottles for Grant's late returns from White Haven.[43] Commanded by Colonel Stephen W. Kearny, the barracks was the nation's largest military base in the west.[44] Grant was happy with his new commander but looked forward to the end of his military service and a possible teaching career.[45]

Marriage and family

In Missouri, Grant visited Dent's family and became engaged to his sister, Julia, in 1844.[45] Four years later on August 22, 1848, they were married at Julia's home in St. Louis. Grant's abolitionist father disapproved of the Dents owning slaves, and neither of Grant's parents attended the wedding.[46] Grant was flanked by three fellow West Point graduates, all dressed in their blue uniforms, including Longstreet, Julia's cousin.[47][lower-alpha 6] At the end of the month, Julia was warmly received by Grant's family in Bethel, Ohio.[50] They had four children: Frederick, Ulysses Jr. ("Buck"), Ellen ("Nellie"), and Jesse.[51] After the wedding, Grant obtained a two-month extension to his leave and returned to St. Louis when he decided, with a wife to support, that he would remain in the army.[52]

Mexican–American War

After rising tensions with Mexico following the United States' annexation of Texas, war broke out in 1846. During the conflict, Grant distinguished himself as a daring and competent soldier.[53] Before the war President John Tyler had ordered Grant's unit to Louisiana as part of the Army of Observation under Major General Zachary Taylor.[54] In September 1846, Tyler's successor, James K. Polk, unable to provoke Mexico into war at Corpus Christi, Texas, ordered Taylor to march 150 miles south to the Rio Grande. Marching south to Fort Texas, to prevent a Mexican siege, Grant experienced combat for the first time on May 8, 1846, at the Battle of Palo Alto.[55]

Grant served as regimental quartermaster, but yearned for a combat role; when finally allowed, he led a cavalry charge at the Battle of Resaca de la Palma.[56] He demonstrated his equestrian ability at the Battle of Monterrey by volunteering to carry a dispatch past snipers, where he hung off the side of his horse, keeping the animal between him and the enemy. Before leaving the city he assured some wounded Americans, he would send for help.[57] Polk, wary of Taylor's growing popularity, divided his forces, sending some troops (including Grant's unit) to form a new army under Major General Winfield Scott.[58] Traveling by sea, Scott's army landed at Veracruz and advanced toward Mexico City.[59] The army met the Mexican forces at the battles of Molino del Rey and Chapultepec outside Mexico City.[60] For his bravery at Molino del Rey, Grant was brevetted first lieutenant on September 30.[61] At San Cosmé, Grant's directed his men to drag a disassembled howitzer into a church steeple, then reassembled it and bombarded nearby Mexican troops.[60] His bravery and initiative earned him his brevet promotion to captain.[62] On September 14, 1847, Scott's army marched into the city; Mexico ceded the vast territory, including California, to the U.S. on February 2, 1848.[63]

During the war, Grant established a commendable record, studied the tactics and strategies of Scott and Taylor, and emerged as a seasoned officer, writing in his memoirs that this is how he learned much about military leadership.[64] In retrospect, although he respected Scott he identified his leadership style with Taylor's. However, Grant also wrote that the Mexican war was morally unjust and that the territorial gains were designed to expand slavery, stating, "I was bitterly opposed to the measure ... and to this day, regard the war which resulted as one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation." He opined that the Civil War was divine punishment on the U.S. for its aggression against Mexico.[65] During the war, Grant discovered his "moral courage" and began to consider a career in the army.[66]

Post-war assignments and resignation

Grant's first post-war assignments took him and Julia to Detroit on November 17, 1848, but he was soon transferred to Madison Barracks, a desolate outpost in upstate New York, in bad need of supplies and repair. After four months, Grant was sent back to his quartermaster job in Detroit.[67] When the discovery of gold in California brought droves of prospectors and settlers to the territory, Grant and the 4th infantry were ordered to reinforce the small garrison there. Grant was charged with bringing the soldiers and a few hundred civilians from New York City to Panama, overland to the Pacific and then north to California. Julia, eight months pregnant with Ulysses Jr., did not accompany him. While Grant was in Panama, a cholera epidemic broke out and claimed the lives of many soldiers, civilians, and children. Grant established and organized a field hospital in Panama City, and moved the worst cases to a hospital barge one mile offshore.[68] When orderlies protested having to attend to the sick, Grant did much of the nursing himself, earning high praise from observers.[69] In August, Grant arrived in San Francisco. His next assignment sent him north to Vancouver Barracks in the Oregon Territory.[70]

Grant tried several business ventures, but failed, and in one instance his business partner absconded with $800 of Grant's investment. [71] Concerning local Indians, Grant assured Julia, by letter, they were harmless, and he developed empathy for their plight.[72] Grant witnessed white agents cheating Indians of their supplies, and the devastation of smallpox and measles, transferred by white settlers. [73]

Promoted to captain on August 5, 1853, Grant was assigned to command Company F, 4th Infantry, at the newly constructed Fort Humboldt in California.[74] Grant arrived at Fort Humboldt on January 5, 1854, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Robert C. Buchanan, a martinet officer, with whom Grant had earlier crossed paths at Jefferson Barracks.[75] Separated from his wife and family, Grant began to drink.[76] Colonel Buchanan reprimanded Grant for one drinking episode and told Grant to "resign or reform." Grant told Buchanan he would "resign if I don't reform."[77] On Sunday, Grant was found influenced by alcohol, but not incapacitated, at his company's pay table.[78] Keeping his pledge to Buchanan, Grant resigned, effective July 31, 1854.[79] Buchanan endorsed Grant's letter of resignation but did not submit any report that verified the incident.[80][lower-alpha 7] Grant did not face court-martial, and the War Department said: "Nothing stands against his good name."[86] Grant said years later, "the vice of intemperance (drunkenness) had not a little to do with my decision to resign."[87] With no means of support, Grant returned to St. Louis and reunited with his family, uncertain about his future.[88]

Civilian struggles, slavery, and politics

At age 32, with no civilian vocation, Grant needed work to support his growing family. It was the beginning of seven years of financial struggles, poverty, and instability.[89] Grant's father offered him a place in the Galena, Illinois branch of the family's leather business, but demanded Julia and the children stay in Missouri, with the Dents, or with the Grants in Kentucky. Grant and Julia declined the offer. In 1855, Grant farmed, using Julia's slave Dan, on his brother-in-law's property, Wish-ton-wish, near St. Louis.[90] The farm was not successful and to earn a living he sold firewood on St. Louis street corners.[91]

The next year, the Grants moved to land on Julia's father's farm, and built a home called "Hardscrabble" on Grant's Farm. Julia described the rustic house as an "unattractive cabin", but made the dwelling as homelike as possible with the family's keepsakes and other belongings.[92] Grant's family lacked money, clothes, and furniture, but always had enough food.[93] During Panic of 1857, which devastated many farmers, including Grant, who pawned his gold watch to pay for Christmas gifts for his family.[94] In 1858, Grant rented out Hardscrabble and moved his family to Julia's father's 850-acre plantation.[95] That fall, after suffering from malaria, Grant gave up farming.[96]

The same year, Grant acquired a slave from his father-in-law, a thirty-five-year-old man named William Jones.[97] Although Grant was not an abolitionist, he was not considered a "slavery man", and could not bring himself to force a slave to do work.[98] In March 1859, Grant freed William by a manumission deed, potentially worth at least $1,000, when Grant needed the money.[99] Grant moved to St. Louis, taking on a partnership with Julia's cousin Harry Boggs working in the real estate business as a bill collector, again without success and with Julia's prompting ended the partnership.[100] In August, Grant applied for a position as county engineer, believing his education qualified him for the job. He had thirty-five notable recommendations, but the position was given on the basis of political affiliation and Grant was passed over by the Free Soil and Republican county commissioners because he was believed to share his father-in-law's Democratic sentiments.[101] In the 1856 presidential election, Grant cast his first presidential vote for Democrat James Buchanan, later saying he was really voting against Republican John C. Frémont over concern that his anti-slavery position would lead to southern secession and war and because he considered Frémont to be a shameless self-promoter.[102]

In April 1860, Grant and his family moved north to Galena, accepting a position in his father's leather goods business run by his younger brothers Simpson and Orvil.[103][lower-alpha 8] In a few months, Grant paid off his debts.[105] The family attended the local Methodist church and he soon established himself as a reputable citizen of Galena.[106] For the 1860 election, he could not vote because he was not yet a legal resident of Illinois, but he favored Democrat Stephen A. Douglas over the eventual winner, Abraham Lincoln, and Lincoln over the Southern Democrat, John C. Breckinridge.[107] He was torn between his increasingly anti-slavery views and the fact that his wife remained a staunch Democrat.[108]

Civil War

On April 12, 1861, the American Civil War began when Confederate troops attacked Fort Sumter in Charleston, South Carolina.[109] The news came as a shock in Galena, and Grant shared his neighbors' concern about the war.[110] On April 15, Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers.[111] The next day, Grant attended a mass meeting to assess the crisis and encourage recruitment, and a speech by his father's attorney, John Aaron Rawlins, stirred Grant's patriotism.[112][lower-alpha 9] Ready to fight, Grant recalled with satisfaction, "I never went into our leather store again."[113][lower-alpha 10] On April 18, Grant chaired a second recruitment meeting, but turned down a captain's position as commander of the newly formed militia company, hoping his previous experience would aid him to obtain more senior military rank.[115]

Early commands

Grant's early efforts to be recommissioned were rejected by Major General George B. McClellan and Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon. On April 29, supported by Congressman Elihu B. Washburne of Illinois, Grant was appointed military aide to Governor Richard Yates and mustered ten regiments into the Illinois militia. On June 14, again aided by Washburne, Grant was promoted to Colonel and put in charge of the unruly 21st Illinois Volunteer Infantry Regiment, which he soon restored to good order and discipline.[116] Colonel Grant and his 21st Regiment were transferred to Missouri to dislodge Confederate forces.[117]

On August 5, with Washburne's aid, Grant was appointed Brigadier General of volunteers.[118] Major General John C. Frémont, Union commander of the West, passed over senior generals and appointed Grant commander of the District of Southeastern Missouri.[119][lower-alpha 11] Grant set up his headquarters at Cairo, Illinois, to plan a campaign down the Mississippi, Tennessee, and Cumberland rivers.[121] After the Confederates moved into western Kentucky with designs on southern Illinois, Grant, after notifying Frémont, advanced on Paducah, Kentucky, taking it without a fight on September 6.[122] Having understood the importance to Lincoln about Kentucky's neutrality, Grant assured its citizens, "I have come among you not as your enemy, but as your friend."[123] On November 1, Frémont ordered Grant to "make demonstrations" against the Confederates on both sides of the Mississippi, but prohibited him from attacking the enemy.[124]

Belmont, Forts Henry and Donelson

Map showing Fort Donelson and surrounding area during capture
Top: Published 1887
Bottom: Published 1862–1865

On November 2, 1861, Lincoln removed Frémont from command, freeing Grant to attack Confederate soldiers encamped in Cape Girardeau, Missouri.[124] On November 5, Grant, along with Brigadier General John A. McClernand, landed 2,500 men at Hunter's Point, and on November 7 engaged the Confederates at the Battle of Belmont.[125] The Union army took the camp, but the reinforced Confederates under Brigadier Generals Frank Cheatham and Gideon J. Pillow forced a chaotic Union retreat.[126] Grant had wanted to destroy Confederate strongholds at both Belmont, Missouri and Columbus, Kentucky, but was not given enough troops and was only able to disrupt their positions. Grant's troops fought their way back to their Union boats and escaped back to Cairo under fire from the fortified stronghold at Columbus.[127] Although Grant and his army retreated, the battle gave his volunteers much-needed confidence and experience.[128] It also showed Lincoln that Grant was a general willing to fight.[129]

Columbus blocked Union access to the lower Mississippi. Grant and General James B. McPherson planned to bypass Columbus and with a force of 25,000 troops, move against Fort Henry on the Tennessee River. They would then march ten miles east to Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River, with the aid of gunboats, opening both rivers and allowing the Union access further south. Grant presented his plan to Henry Halleck, his new commander in the newly created Department of Missouri.[130] Halleck was considering the same strategy, but rebuffed Grant, believing he needed twice the number of troops. However, after Halleck telegraphed and consulted McClellan about the plan, he finally agreed on condition that the attack be conducted in close cooperation with navy Flag Officer, Andrew H. Foote.[131] Foote's gunboats bombarded Fort Henry, leading to its surrender on February 6, 1862, before Grant's infantry even arrived.[132]

Grant then ordered an immediate assault on Fort Donelson, which dominated the Cumberland River. Unlike Fort Henry, Grant was now opposed by a force equal to his own. Unaware of the garrison's strength, Grant's forces were over-confident. Grant, McClernand, and Smith positioned their divisions around the fort. The next day McClernand and Smith launched probing attacks on apparent weak spots in the Confederate line, only to retreat with heavy losses. On February 14, Foote's gunboats began bombarding the fort, only to be repulsed by its heavy guns. Thus far the Confederates were winning, but soon Union reinforcements arrived, giving Grant a total force of over 40,000 men. When Foote regained control of the river, Grant resumed his attack, resulting in a standoff. Grant received a dispatch from Foote, requesting that they meet. Grant mounted a horse and rode seven miles over freezing roads and trenches, reaching Smith's division, instructing him to prepare for the next assault, and rode on and met up with McClernand and Wallace. After exchanging reports, he met up with Foote. On February 16, Foote resumed his bombardment, which signaled a general attack. Confederate generals John B. Floyd and Pillow fled, leaving the fort in command of Simon Bolivar Buckner, who submitted to Grant's demand for "unconditional and immediate surrender".[133]

Grant had won the first major victory for the Union, capturing Floyd's entire rebel army of more than 12,000. Halleck was angry that Grant had acted without his authorization and complained to McClellan, accusing Grant of "neglect and inefficiency". On March 3, Halleck sent a telegram to Washington complaining that he had no communication with Grant for a week. Three days later, Halleck followed up with a postscript claiming "word has just reached me that ... Grant has resumed his bad habits (of drinking)."[134] Lincoln, regardless, promoted Grant to major general of volunteers and the Northern press treated Grant as a hero. Playing off his initials, they took to calling him "Unconditional Surrender Grant."[135]

Shiloh and aftermath

Battle of Shiloh
Battle of Shiloh map
Top: Thulstrup 1888
Bottom: Published 1862–1865

With great armies now massing, it was widely thought in the North that another western battle might end the war.[136] Grant, reinstated by Halleck at the urging of Lincoln and Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, left Fort Henry and traveled by boat up the Tennessee River to rejoin his army with orders to advance with the Army of the Tennessee into Tennessee. Grant's main army was located at Pittsburg Landing, while 40,000 Confederate troops converged at Corinth, Mississippi.[137] Brigadier General William Tecumseh Sherman assured Grant that his green troops were ready for an attack. Grant agreed and wired Halleck with their assessment.[138] Grant wanted to attack the Confederates at Corinth, but Halleck ordered him not to attack until Major General Don Carlos Buell arrived with his division of 25,000.[139] Meanwhile, Grant prepared for an attack on the Confederate army of roughly equal strength. Instead of preparing defensive fortifications between the Tennessee River and Owl Creek,[lower-alpha 12] and clearing fields of fire, they spent most of their time drilling the largely inexperienced troops while Sherman dismissed reports of nearby Confederates.[140]

Union inaction created the opportunity for the Confederates to attack first before Buell arrived.[141] On the morning of April 6, 1862, Grant's troops were taken by surprise when the Confederates, led by Generals Albert Sidney Johnston and P.G.T. Beauregard, struck first "like an Alpine avalanche" near Shiloh church, attacking five divisions of Grant's army and forcing a confused retreat toward the Tennessee River.[142] Johnston was killed and command fell upon Beauregard.[143] One Union line held the Confederate attack off for several hours at a place later called the "Hornet's Nest", giving Grant time to assemble artillery and 20,000 troops near Pittsburg Landing.[144] The Confederates finally broke through the Hornet's Nest to capture a Union division, but "Grant's Last Line" held the landing, while the exhausted Confederates, lacking reinforcements, halted their advance.[145] The day's fighting had been costly, with thousands of casualties. That evening, heavy rain set in. Sherman found Grant standing alone under a tree in the rain. "Well, Grant, we've had the devil's own day of it, haven't we?" Sherman said. "Yes," replied Grant. "Lick 'em tomorrow, though."[146]

Bolstered by 18,000 fresh troops from the divisions of Major Generals Buell and Lew Wallace, Grant counterattacked at dawn the next day and regained the field, forcing the disorganized and demoralized rebels to retreat back to Corinth.[147] Halleck ordered Grant not to advance more than one day's march from Pittsburg Landing, stopping the pursuit of the Confederate Army.[148] Although Grant had won the battle the situation was little changed, with the Union in possession of Pittsburg Landing and the Confederates once again holed up in Corinth.[149] Grant, now realizing that the South was determined to fight and that the war would not be won with one battle, would later write, "Then, indeed, I gave up all idea of saving the Union except by complete conquest."[150]

Shiloh was the costliest battle in American history to that point and the staggering 23,746 total casualties stunned the nation.[151] Briefly hailed a hero for routing the Confederates, Grant was soon mired in controversy.[152] The Northern press castigated Grant for shockingly high casualties, and accused him of drunkenness during the battle, contrary to the accounts of officers and others with him at the time.[153][lower-alpha 13] However, Grant's victory at Shiloh ended any chance for the Confederates to prevail in the Mississippi valley or regain its strategic advantage in the West.[154]

Halleck arrived from St. Louis on April 11, took command, and assembled a combined army of about 120,000 men. On April 29, he relieved Grant of field command and replaced him with Major General George Henry Thomas. Halleck slowly marched his army to take Corinth, entrenching each night.[155] Meanwhile, Beauregard pretended to be reinforcing, sent "deserters" to the Union Army with that story, and moved his army out during the night, to Halleck's surprise when he finally arrived at Corinth on May 30.[156] Discouraged, Grant considered resigning but Sherman convinced him to stay.[157] Lincoln dismissed Grant's critics, saying "I can't spare this man; he fights."[158] Halleck divided his combined army and reinstated Grant as field commander of the Army of the Tennessee on July 11.[159]

Later that year, on September 19, Grant's army defeated Confederates at the Battle of Iuka, then successfully defended Corinth, inflicting heavy casualties.[160] On October 25, Grant assumed command of the District of the Tennessee.[161] In November, after Lincoln's preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, Grant ordered units under his command to incorporate former slaves into the Union Army, giving them clothes, shelter and wages for their services.[162]

Vicksburg campaign

The Confederate stronghold of Vicksburg, Mississippi, blocked the way of Union control of the Mississippi River, making its capture vital.[163] While Grant held western Tennessee with almost 40,000 men, he was disappointed to learn that Lincoln authorized McClernand to raise a separate army to march on Vicksburg.[164] Halleck ordered McClernand to Memphis, and placed him and his troops under Grant's authority.[165] After Grant's army captured Holly Springs, Grant planned to attack Vicksburg's front overland while Sherman would attack the fortress from the rear on the Mississippi River.[166] However, Confederate cavalry raids on December 11 and 20, 1862, broke Union communications and recaptured Holly Springs, preventing Grant and Sherman from connecting.[167] On December 29, a Confederate army led by Lieutenant General John C. Pemberton repulsed Sherman's direct approach ascending the bluffs to Vicksburg at Chickasaw Bayou.[168] McClernand reached Sherman's army, assumed command, and independently of Grant led a campaign that captured Confederate Fort Hindman.[169]

During this time, Grant incorporated fleeing African American slaves into the Union Army giving them protection and paid employment, mostly working on the bypass canal and other points on the river.[170] Along with his military responsibilities in the months following Grant's return to command, he was concerned over an expanding illicit cotton trade in his district.[171] He believed the trade undermined the Union war effort, funded the Confederacy, and prolonged the war, while Union soldiers died in the fields.[172] Grant's own father, together with some Jewish partners, the Mack Brothers, attempted to gain access to this lucrative trade through Grant. On December 17, 1862, Grant issued General Order No. 11, expelling "Jews, as a class", from the district, saying that Jewish merchants were violating trade regulations.[173][lower-alpha 14] The Northern press strongly condemned Grant's anti-semitism, while Jewish leaders complained to Lincoln.[175] Historian Ronald Miller maintains no one can say for sure why Grant singled out the Jews.[176] Lincoln demanded the order be revoked and Grant rescinded it within three weeks.[177][lower-alpha 15]

On January 29, 1863, Grant assumed overall command and attempted to advance his army through water-logged terrain to bypass Vicksburg's guns.[179] On April 16, Grant ordered Admiral David Dixon Porter's gunboats south under fire from the Vicksburg batteries to meet up with troops who had marched south down the west side of the Mississippi River.[180] Grant ordered diversionary battles, confusing Pemberton and allowing Grant's army to move east across the Mississippi, landing troops at Bruinsburg.[181] Grant's army captured Jackson, the state capital. Advancing west, Grant defeated Pemberton's army at the Battle of Champion Hill on May 16, forcing their retreat into Vicksburg.[182] After Grant's men assaulted the entrenchments twice, suffering severe losses, they settled in for a siege lasting seven weeks. During quiet periods of the campaign Grant would take to drinking on occasion.[183] The personal rivalry between McClernand and Grant continued until Grant removed McClernand from command when he contravened Grant by publishing an order without permission.[184] Pemberton surrendered Vicksburg to Grant on July 4, 1863.[185]

Vicksburg's fall gave Union forces control of the Mississippi River and split the Confederacy. By that time, Grant's political sympathies fully coincided with the Radical Republicans' aggressive prosecution of the war and emancipation of the slaves.[186] The success at Vicksburg was a morale boost for the Union war effort.[184] When Stanton suggested Grant be brought back east to run the Army of the Potomac, Grant demurred, writing that he knew the geography and resources of the West better and he did not want to upset the chain of command in the East.[187]

Chattanooga and promotion

Lincoln promoted Grant to major general and assigned him command of the newly formed Division of the Mississippi on October 16, 1863, including command of the Armies of the Ohio, Tennessee, and Cumberland.[188] After the Battle of Chickamauga, the Army of the Cumberland retreated into Chattanooga where they became trapped.[189] Grant arrived in Chattanooga on horseback, assisted by Major General Joseph Hooker, with plans to resupply the city and break the siege. Union forces captured Brown's Ferry and opened a supply line to Bridgeport.[190]

On November 23, Grant organized three armies to attack at Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. Two days later, Hooker's forces took Lookout Mountain.[191] Grant ordered Major General George Henry Thomas to advance when Sherman's army failed to take Missionary Ridge from the northeast.[192] The Army of the Cumberland, led by Major General Philip Sheridan and Brigadier General Thomas J. Wood, charged uphill and captured the Confederate entrenchments at the top, forcing a retreat.[193] The decisive battle gave the Union control of Tennessee and opened Georgia, the Confederate heartland, to Union invasion.[194] Grant was given an enormous thoroughbred horse, Cincinnati, by a thankful admirer in St. Louis.[195]

On March 2, 1864, Lincoln promoted Grant to lieutenant general, giving him command of all Union Armies.[196] Grant's new rank had only previously been held by George Washington.[197] Grant arrived in Washington on March 8, and he was formally commissioned by Lincoln the next day at a Cabinet meeting.[198] Grant developed a good working relationship with Lincoln, who allowed Grant to devise his own strategy.[199] Grant established his headquarters with General George Meade's Army of the Potomac in Culpeper, north-west of Richmond, and met weekly with Lincoln and Stanton in Washington.[200][lower-alpha 16] After protest from Halleck, Grant scrapped a risky invasion plan of North Carolina, and adopted a plan of five coordinated Union offensives on five fronts, so Confederate armies could not shift troops along interior lines.[202] Grant and Meade would make a direct frontal attack on Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia, while Sherman—now chief of the western armies—was to destroy Joseph E. Johnston's Army of Tennessee and take Atlanta.[203] Major General Benjamin Butler would advance on Lee from the southeast, up the James River, while Major General Nathaniel Banks would capture Mobile.[204] Major General Franz Sigel was to capture granaries and rail lines in the fertile Shenandoah Valley.[205]

Grant now commanded in total 533,000 battle-ready troops spread out over an eighteen-mile front, while the Confederates had lost many officers in battle and had great difficulty finding replacements.[206] He was popular, and there was talk that a Union victory early in the year could lead to his candidacy for the presidency. Grant was aware of the rumors, but had ruled out a political candidacy; the possibility would soon vanish with delays on the battlefield.[207]

Overland Campaign

The Overland Campaign was a series of brutal battles fought in Virginia for seven weeks during May and June 1864.[208] Sigel's and Butler's efforts failed, and Grant was left alone to fight Lee.[209] On the morning of Wednesday, May 4, Grant dressed in full uniform, sword at his side, led the army out from his headquarters at Culpeper towards Germanna Ford.[210] They crossed the Rapidan unopposed, while supplies were transported on four pontoon bridges.[211] On May 5, the Union army attacked Lee in the Wilderness, a three-day battle with estimated casualties of 17,666 Union and 11,125 Confederate.[212] Rather than retreat, Grant flanked Lee's army to the southeast and attempted to wedge his forces between Lee and Richmond at Spotsylvania Court House.[213] Lee's army got to Spotsylvania first and a costly battle ensued, lasting thirteen days, with heavy casualties.[214] On May 12, Grant attempted to break through Lee's Muleshoe salient guarded by Confederate artillery, resulting in one of the bloodiest assaults of the Civil War, known as the Bloody Angle.[215] Unable to break Lee's lines, Grant again flanked the rebels to the southeast, meeting at North Anna, where a battle lasted three days.[216]

Grant maneuvered his army to Cold Harbor, a vital road hub that linked to Richmond, but Lee's men were already entrenched there. On the third day of the thirteen-day battle, Grant led a costly assault and was soon castigated as "the Butcher" by the Northern press after taking 52,788 Union casualties; Lee's Confederate army suffered 32,907 casualties, but he was less able to replace them.[217] This battle was the second of two that Grant later said he regretted (the other being his initial assault on Vicksburg). Undetected by Lee, Grant moved his army south of the James River, freed Butler from the Bermuda Hundred, and advanced toward Petersburg, Virginia's central railroad hub.[218]

Beauregard defended Petersburg, and Lee's veteran reinforcements soon arrived, resulting in a nine-month siege. Northern resentment grew. Sheridan was assigned command of the Union Army of the Shenandoah and Grant directed him to "follow the enemy to their death" in the Shenandoah Valley. When Sheridan suffered attacks by John S. Mosby's irregular Confederate cavalry, Grant recommended rounding up their families for imprisonment at Fort McHenry.[219] After Grant's abortive attempt to capture Petersburg, Lincoln supported Grant in his decision to continue and visited Grant's headquarters at City Point on June 21 to assess the state of the army and meet with Grant and Admiral Porter. By the time Lincoln departed his appreciation for Grant had grown.[220]

At Petersburg, Grant approved a plan to blow up part of the enemy trenches from a tunnel. The explosion created a crater, into which poorly led Union troops poured. Recovering from the surprise, Confederates surrounded the crater and easily picked off Union troops within it. The Union's 3,500 casualties outnumbered the Confederates' by three-to-one; although the plan could have been successful if implemented correctly, Grant admitted the tactic had been a "stupendous failure".[221] Rather than fight Lee in a full frontal attack as he had done at Cold Harbor, Grant continued to extend Lee's defenses south and west of Petersburg to capture essential railroad links.[222]

Union forces soon captured Mobile Bay and Atlanta and now controlled the Shenandoah Valley, ensuring Lincoln's reelection in November.[223] Sherman convinced Grant and Lincoln to send his army to march on Savannah.[224] Sherman cut a 60-mile path of destruction unopposed, reached the Atlantic Ocean, and captured Savannah on December 22.[225] On December 16, after much prodding by Grant, the Union Army under Thomas smashed John Bell Hood's Confederate Army at Nashville.[226] It was the beginning of the end for the Confederacy, with Lee's forces at Petersburg being the only significant obstacle remaining.[227]

By March 1865, Grant had severely weakened Lee's strength, having extended his lines to 35 miles.[228] Lee's troops deserted by the thousands due to hunger and the strains of trench warfare.[229] Grant, Sherman, Porter, and Lincoln held a conference to discuss the surrender of Confederate armies and Reconstruction of the South on March 28.[230]

Appomattox campaign, and victory

On April 2, Grant ordered a general assault on Lee's entrenched forces. Union troops took Petersburg and captured Richmond the next day.[231] Lee and part of his army broke free and attempted to link up with the remnants of Joseph E. Johnston's defeated army, but Sheridan's cavalry stopped the two armies from converging, cutting them off from their supply trains.[232] Grant was in communication with Lee before he entrusted his aide Orville Babcock to carry his last dispatch to Lee requesting his surrender with instructions to escort him to a meeting place of Lee's choosing.[233] Grant immediately rode west, bypassing Lee's army, to join Sheridan who had captured Appomattox Station, blocking Lee's escape route. On his way, Grant received a letter sent by Lee informing him that he was ready to surrender.[234]

On April 9, Grant and Lee met at Appomattox Court House.[235] Upon receiving Lee's dispatch about the proposed meeting Grant had been jubilant. Although Grant felt depressed at the fall of "a foe who had fought so long and valiantly," he believed the Southern cause was "one of the worst for which a people ever fought."[236] After briefly discussing their days of old in Mexico, Grant wrote out the terms of surrender. Men and officers were to be paroled, but in addition, there was amnesty: "Each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to be disturbed by U.S. authority so long as they observe their paroles and the laws in force where they may reside." Lee expressed satisfaction and accepted Grant's terms. At Lee's request, Grant also allowed them to keep their horses.[237][238] Grant ordered his troops to stop all celebration, saying the "war is over; the rebels are our countrymen again."[239] Johnston's Tennessee army surrendered on April 26, 1865, Richard Taylor's Alabama army on May 4, and Kirby Smith's Texas army on May 26, ending the war.[240]

Lincoln's assassination

On April 14, 1865, five days after Grant's victory at Appomattox, he attended a cabinet meeting in Washington. Lincoln invited him and his wife to Ford's Theater, but they declined as upon his wife Julia's urging, had plans to travel to Philadelphia. In a conspiracy that also targeted top cabinet members in one last effort to topple the Union, Lincoln was fatally shot by John Wilkes Booth at the theater, and died the next morning.[241] Many, including Grant himself, thought that he had been a target in the plot and during the subsequent trial, the government tried to prove that Grant had been stalked by Booth's conspirator Michael O'Laughlen.[242] Stanton notified Grant of the President's death and summoned him back to Washington. Vice President Andrew Johnson was sworn in as President on April 15. Attending Lincoln's funeral on April 19, Grant stood alone and wept openly; he later said Lincoln was "the greatest man I have ever known."[243] Grant was determined to work with Johnson, while he privately expressed "every reason to hope" in the new president's ability of running the government "in its old channel." [244]

Commanding General

At the war's end, Grant remained commander of the army, with duties that included dealing with Maximilian and French troops in Mexico, enforcement of Reconstruction in the former Confederate states, and supervision of Indian wars on the western Plains.[245] After the Grand Review of the Armies, Lee and his generals were indicted for treason in Virginia. Johnson demanded they be put on trial, but Grant insisted that they should not be tried, citing his Appomatox amnesty. Johnson backed down, so charges against Lee were dropped.[246][247] Grant secured a house for his family in Georgetown Heights in 1865, but instructed Elihu Washburne that for political purposes his legal residence remained in Galena, Illinois.[248] That same year, Grant spoke at Cooper Union in New York in support of Johnson's presidency. Further travels that summer took the Grants to Albany, New York, back to Galena, and throughout Illinois and Ohio, with enthusiastic receptions.[249] On July 25, 1866, Congress promoted Grant to the newly created rank of General of the Army of the United States.[250]


Reconstruction was a turbulent period from 1863 to 1877 when former Confederate states were readmitted to the Union, and fierce controversy arose over the status of both the defeated Confederates and the former slaves. In November 1865, Johnson sent Grant on a fact-finding mission to the South. Grant recommended continuation of the Freedmen's Bureau, which Johnson opposed, but advised against using black troops, which he believed encouraged an alternative to farm labor.[251] Grant did not believe the people of the South were ready for self-rule, and that both whites and blacks in the South required protection by the federal government. Concerned that the war led to diminished respect for civil authorities, Grant continued using the Army to maintain order.[252] On the same day that the Thirteenth Amendment was ratified, Grant filed an unconvincing and optimistic report of his tour, expressing his faith that "the mass of thinking men of the South accept the present situation of affairs in good faith." Grant later disavowed the report.[253] In this respect, Grant's opinion on Reconstruction aligned with Johnson's policy of restoring former Confederates to their positions of power, arguing that Congress should allow representatives from the South to take their seats.[254]

Break from Johnson

Grant was initially optimistic about Johnson, saying he was satisfied the nation had "nothing to fear" from the Johnson administration.[255] Despite differing styles, Grant got along cordially with Johnson, and attended cabinet meetings concerning Reconstruction.[255] By February 1866, the relationship began to break down.[256] Johnson opposed Grant's closure of the Richmond Examiner for disloyal editorials and his enforcement of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, passed over Johnson's veto.[256] Needing Grant's popularity, Johnson took Grant on his "Swing Around the Circle" tour, a failed attempt to gain national support for lenient policies toward the South.[257] Grant privately called Johnson's speeches a "national disgrace" and he left the tour early.[258] On March 2, 1867, overriding Johnson's veto, Congress passed the first of three Reconstruction Acts, using military officers to enforce policy.[259] Protecting Grant, Congress passed the Command of the Army Act, preventing his removal or relocation, and forcing Johnson to pass orders through Grant.[260]

Grant wanted to replace Edwin Stanton, a Radical Republican, as Secretary of War, but recommended against bypassing the Tenure of Office Act, prohibiting a cabinet removal without Senate approval.[261] Grant accepted the position, not wanting the Army to fall under a conservative appointee who would impede Reconstruction, and managed an uneasy partnership with Johnson.[262] In December 1867, Congress voted to keep Stanton, who was reinstated by a Senate Committee on Friday, January 10, 1868. Grant told Johnson he was going to resign office to avoid fines and imprisonment. Johnson said he would assume Grant's legal responsibility, and reminded Grant that he had promised him to delay his resignation until a suitable replacement was found.[263] The following Monday, Grant surrendered the office to Stanton.[264] Johnson, with the complete backing of his cabinet, accused Grant of lying and "duplicity" at a stormy cabinet meeting, while a shocked and disappointed Grant felt it was Johnson who was lying.[265] The publication of angry messages between Grant and Johnson led to a complete break between the two.[266] The controversy led to Johnson's impeachment and trial in the Senate.[267] Johnson was saved from removal from office by one vote.[268] Grant's popularity rose among the Radical Republicans and his nomination for the presidency appeared certain.[269]

Election of 1868

When the Republican Party met at the 1868 Republican National Convention in Chicago, the delegates unanimously nominated Grant for president and Speaker of the House Schuyler Colfax for vice president.[267] Although Grant had preferred to remain in the army, he accepted the Republican nomination, believing that he was the only one who could unify the nation.[270] The Republicans advocated "equal civil and political rights to all" and African American enfranchisement.[271][272] The Democrats, having abandoned Johnson, nominated former governor Horatio Seymour of New York for president and Francis P. Blair of Missouri for vice president.[273] The Democrats advocated the immediate restoration of former Confederate states to the Union and amnesty from "all past political offenses".[274]

Grant played no overt role during the campaign and instead was joined by Sherman and Sheridan in a tour of the West that summer.[275] However, the Republicans adopted his words "Let us have peace" as their campaign slogan.[276] Grant's 1862 General Order No. 11 became an issue during the presidential campaign; he sought to distance himself from the order, saying "I have no prejudice against sect or race, but want each individual to be judged by his own merit."[277] The Democrats and their Klan supporters focused mainly on ending Reconstruction intimidating Blacks, and returning control of the South to the white Democrats and the planter class, alienating War Democrats in the North.[278] Grant won the popular vote by 300,000 votes out of 5,716,082 votes cast, receiving an Electoral College landslide of 214 votes to Seymour's 80.[279] Seymour received a majority of white votes, but Grant was aided by 500,000 votes cast by blacks,[273] winning him 52.7 percent of the popular vote.[280] At the age of 46, Grant was the youngest president yet elected, and the first president after the nation had outlawed slavery.[281]

Presidency (1869–1877)

On March 4, 1869, Grant was sworn in as the eighteenth President of the United States by Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase. In his inaugural address, Grant urged the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, while large numbers of African Americans attended his inauguration.[282] He also urged that bonds issued during the Civil War should be paid in gold and called for "proper treatment" of Native Americans and encouraged their "civilization and ultimate citizenship".[283]

Grant's cabinet appointments sparked both criticism and approval.[284] He appointed Elihu B. Washburne Secretary of State and John A. Rawlins Secretary of War.[285] Washburne resigned, and Grant appointed him Minister to France. Grant then appointed former New York Senator Hamilton Fish Secretary of State.[285] Rawlins died in office, and Grant appointed William W. Belknap Secretary of War.[286] Grant appointed New York businessman Alexander T. Stewart Secretary of Treasury, but Stewart was found legally ineligible to hold office by a 1789 law.[287][lower-alpha 17] Grant then appointed Massachusetts Representative George S. Boutwell Secretary of Treasury.[285] Philadelphia businessman Adolph E. Borie was appointed Secretary of Navy, but found the job stressful and resigned.[288][lower-alpha 18] Grant then appointed New Jersey's attorney general, George M. Robeson, Secretary of Navy.[290] Former Ohio Governor Jacob D. Cox (Interior,) former Maryland Senator John Creswell (Postmaster-General,) and Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar (Attorney General) rounded out the cabinet.[291]

Grant nominated Sherman to succeed him as general-in-chief and gave him control over war bureau chiefs.[292] When Rawlins took over the War Department, he complained to Grant that Sherman was given too much authority. Grant reluctantly revoked his own order, upsetting Sherman and damaging their wartime friendship.[292] Grant's nomination of James Longstreet, a former Confederate general, to the position of Surveyor of Customs of the port of New Orleans, was met with general amazement, and was seen as a genuine effort to unite the North and South.[293] In March 1872, Grant signed legislation that established Yellowstone National Park, the first national park.[294] Grant was sympathetic to women's rights; including support of female suffrage, saying he wanted "equal rights to all citizens."[295]

Reconstruction and civil rights

Grant was considered an effective civil rights president, concerned about the plight of African Americans.[296] On March 18, 1869, Grant signed into law equal rights for blacks, to serve on juries and hold office, in Washington D.C., and in 1870 he signed into law the Naturalization Act that gave foreign blacks citizenship.[296] During his first term, Reconstruction took precedence. Republicans controlled most Southern states, propped up by Republican controlled Congress, northern money, and southern military occupation.[297][lower-alpha 19] Grant advocated the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment that said states could not disenfranchise African Americans.[299] Within a year, the three remaining states—Mississippi, Virginia, and Texas—adopted the new amendment—and were admitted to Congress.[300] Grant put military pressure on Georgia to reinstate its black legislators and adopt the new amendment.[301] Georgia complied, and on February 24, 1871 its Senators were seated in Congress, with all the former Confederate states represented.[302][lower-alpha 20]

In 1870, to enforce Reconstruction, Congress and Grant created the Justice Department that allowed the Attorney General and the new Solicitor General to prosecute the Klan.[304] Congress and Grant passed a series of enforcement laws, designed to protect blacks and Reconstruction governments.[305] [lower-alpha 21] Grant's Justice Department did destroy the Ku Klux Klan, but in both his terms Blacks lost political strength in the Southern United States. By October, Grant suspended habeas corpus in part of South Carolina and sent federal troops to help marshals, who initiated prosecutions.[307] Grant's Attorney General, Amos T. Akerman, who replaced Hoar, was zealous to destroy the Klan.[308] Akerman and Grant appointed Solicitor General Benjamin Bristow, made hundreds of arrests while forcing 2,000 Klansmen to flee the state.[309][lower-alpha 22] By 1872 the Klan's power had collapsed, and African Americans voted in record numbers in elections in the South.[310][lower-alpha 23] Attorney General George H. Williams, Akerman's replacement, in the Spring of 1873, suspended prosecutions of the Klan in North Carolina and South Carolina, but prior to the election of 1874, he changed course and prosecuted the Klan.[312][lower-alpha 24][lower-alpha 25]

During Grant's second term, the North retreated from Reconstruction, while southern conservative whites called "Redeemers" formed armed groups, the Red Shirts and the White League, who openly used violence, intimidation, voter fraud, and racist appeals to overturn Republican rule.[316] Northern apathy toward blacks, the depressed economy and Grant's scandals made it politically difficult for the Grant administration to maintain support for Reconstruction. Power shifted when the House was taken over by the Democrats in the election of 1874.[317][lower-alpha 26] Grant ended the Brooks–Baxter War, bringing Reconstruction in Arkansas to a peaceful conclusion. He sent troops to New Orleans in the wake of the Colfax massacre and disputes over the election of Governor William Pitt Kellogg.[319] Grant recalled Sheridan and most of the federal troops from Louisiana.[320]

By 1875, Redeemer Democrats had taken control of all but three Southern states. As violence against black Southerners escalated once more, Grant's Attorney General Edwards Pierrepont told Republican Governor Adelbert Ames of Mississippi that the people were "tired of the autumnal outbreaks in the South", and declined to intervene directly, instead sending an emissary to negotiate a peaceful election.[321] Grant later regretted not issuing a proclamation to help Ames, having been told Republicans in Ohio would bolt the party if Grant intervened in Mississippi.[322] Grant told Congress in January 1875 he could not "see with indifference Union men or Republicans ostracized, persecuted, and murdered."[323] Congress refused to strengthen the laws against violence, but instead passed a sweeping law to guarantee blacks access to public facilities.[324] Grant signed it as the Civil Rights Act of 1875, but there was litte enforcement and the Supreme Court ruled the law unconstitutional in 1883.[325] In October 1876, Grant dispatched troops to South Carolina to keep Republican Governor Daniel Henry Chamberlain in office.[326]

Grant, while president, very much regretted his wartime order expelling Jewish traders, and set out to make amends. Historian Jonathan Sarna said Grant was eager to prove he was above racism, while he "appointed more Jews to public office than had any of his predecessors and, in the name of human rights, he extended unprecedented support to persecuted Jews in Russia and Romania."[327] In 1875, Grant proposed a constitutional amendment that limited religious indoctrination in public schools.[328] Instruction of "religious, atheistic, or pagan tenents," would be banned, while funding "for the benefit or in aid, directly or indirectly, of any religious sect or denomination," would be prohibited. Schools would be for all children "irrespective of sex, color, birthplace, or religions."[329] Grant's views were incorporated into the Blaine Amendment, but it was defeated by the Senate.[330]

Grant's Republican successor, President Rutherford B. Hayes, was conciliatory toward the South, and favored "local control" of civil rights on the condition that Democrats make an honorary pledge to confirm the constitutional amendments that protected blacks.[331] During Republican negotiations with Democrats, that Grant took no direct part in, the Republicans received the White House for Hayes in return for ending enforcement of racial equality for blacks and removing federal troops from the last three states.[332] As promised, Hayes withdrew federal troops from South Carolina and Louisiana, which marked the end of Reconstruction.[333]

Native American policy

When Grant took office in 1869, the nation's policy towards Native Americans was in chaos, with more than 250,000 Native Americans being governed by 370 treaties.[334] He appointed Ely S. Parker, a Seneca and member of his wartime staff, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, the first Native American to serve in this position, surprising many around him.[335][lower-alpha 27] In April 1869, Grant signed legislation establishing an unpaid Board of Indian Commissioners to reduce corruption and oversee implementation of what was called Grant's Indian "Peace" policy.[337][lower-alpha 28] In 1871, Grant ended the sovereign tribal treaty system; by law individual Native Americans were deemed wards of the federal government.[339][lower-alpha 29] Grant's Indian policy was undermined by Parker's resgination in 1871, denominational infighting among Grant's chosen religious agents, and entrenched economic interests.[340] Indian wars declined overall during Grant's first term, while on October 1, 1872, Major General Oliver Otis Howard negotiated peace with the Apache leader Cochise.[341]

Grant's Indian policy, during his second term, fell apart.[342] On April 11, 1873, Major General Edward Canby, was killed in Northern California south of Tule Lake by Modoc leader Kintpuash, in a failed peace conference to end the Modoc War.[343] Grant ordered restraint after Canby's death, the army captured Kintpuash, who was convicted of Canby's murder and hanged on October 3 at Fort Klamath, while the remaining Modoc tribe was relocated to the Indian Territory.[343] In 1874, the army defeated the Comanche at the Battle of Palo Duro Canyon, forcing them to finally settle at the Fort Sill reservation in 1875.[344] Grant pocket-vetoed a bill in 1874 protecting bison and supporting Interior Secretary Columbus Delano, who believed correctly the killing of bison would force Plains Native Americans to abandon their nomadic lifestyle.[345][lower-alpha 30]

After gold was discovered and trespassing occurred on Sioux protected lands, Grant offered them $6,000,000 in October 1874; Red Cloud reluctantly entered negotiations, but other Sioux chiefs readied for war.[347] On November 3, 1875, Grant held a meeting at the White House and, under advice from Sheridan, Grant agreed not to enforce keeping out miners from the Black Hills, and to force "hostile" Native Americans onto the Sioux reservation.[348][lower-alpha 31] During the Great Sioux War that started after Sitting Bull refused to relocate to agency land, warriors led by Crazy Horse killed George Armstrong Custer and his men at the Battle of the Little Big Horn. Grant castigated Custer in the press, saying "I regard Custer's massacre as a sacrifice of troops, brought on by Custer himself, that was wholly unnecessary – wholly unnecessary."[350] In September and October 1876, Grant convinced the tribes to relinquish the Black Hills. Congress ratified the agreement three days before Grant left office in 1877.[351][lower-alpha 32][lower-alpha 33]

Foreign affairs

Grant was a man of peace, and almost wholly devoted to domestic affairs. There were no foreign-policy disasters, and no wars to engage in. Besides Grant himself, the main players in foreign affairs were Secretary of State Hamilton Fish and the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Charles Sumner. They had to cooperate to get a treaty ratified. When Sumner stopped Grant's plan to annex Santo Domingo, Grant had his vengeance by systematically destroying Sumner's power and ending his career. Historians have a high regard for the professionalism, independence, and good judgment of Hamilton Fish. The main issues involved Britain, Canada, Santo Domingo, Cuba and Spain. Worldwide, it was a peaceful era, with no major wars directly affecting the United States.[355][lower-alpha 34]

Alabama claims

The most pressing diplomatic problem in 1869 was the settlement of the Alabama claims, depredations caused to the Union by the Confederate warship CSS Alabama, built in a British shipyard in violation of neutrality rules.[357] Secretary Hamilton Fish played the central role in formulating and implementing the Treaty of Washington and the Geneva arbitration (1872).[358] Senator Charles Sumner, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee led the demand for reparations, with talk of British Columbia as payment.[359] Fish and Treasurer George Boutwell convinced Grant that peaceful relations with Britain were essential, and the two nations agreed to negotiate along those lines.[360] To avoid jeopardizing negotiations, Grant refrained from recognizing Cuban rebels who were fighting for independence from Spain, which would have been inconsistent with American objections to the British granting belligerent status to Confederates.[361][lower-alpha 35] A commission in Washington produced a treaty whereby an international tribunal would settle the damage amounts; the British admitted regret, but not fault.[362][lower-alpha 36] The Senate, including Grant critics Sumner and Carl Schurz, approved the Treaty of Washington, which settled disputes over fishing rights and maritime boundaries, by a 50–12 vote, signed on May 8, 1871.[364] The Alabama claims settlement would be Grant's most successful foreign policy achievement.[365]

Dominican Republic annexation

In 1869, Grant initiated his plan to annex the Dominican Republic, then called Santo Domingo.[366] Grant believed acquisition of the Caribbean island and Samaná Bay would increase American prosperity and U.S. naval protection to enforce the Monroe Doctrine, safeguard against British obstruction of U.S. shipping and protect a future oceanic canal, while blacks would have a safe haven from "the crime of Klu Kluxism". [367]

Joseph W. Fabens, an American speculator who represented Buenaventura Báez, the president of the Dominican Republic, met with Secretary Fish and proposed annexation,[368] whose island inhabitants sought American protection.[369] Fish wanted nothing to do with the island, but he dutifully brought up Faben's proposal to Grant at a cabinet meeting.[370] On July 17, Grant sent his military White House aide Orville E. Babcock to evaluate the islands' resources, local conditions, and Báez's terms for annexation, but was given no diplomatic authority.[371] When Babcock returned to Washington with two unauthorized annexation treaties, Grant, however, approved and pressured his cabinet to accept them.[372][lower-alpha 37] Grant ordered Fish to draw up formal treaties, sent to Báez by Babcock's return to the island nation. The Dominican Republic would be annexed for $1.5 million and Samaná Bay would be lease-purchased for $2 million. On November 29, President Báez signed the treaties. On December 21, the treaties were placed before Grant and his cabinet.[374]

On December 31, Grant met with Senator Charles Sumner, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC), at his Washington D.C. home to gain his support for annexation. Grant left confident Sumner approved, however, what Sumner said was disputed. The controversial episode led to hostility between the two men. On January 10, 1870, Grant submitted the treaties to the SFRC for ratification, but Sumner purposely neglected the bills.[375] Prompted by Grant to stop stalling the treaties, Sumner's committee took action, but rejected the bills by a 5-to-2 vote. Sumner sent the treaties for a full Senate vote, while Grant personally lobbied other senators. Despite Grant's efforts, the Senate defeated the treaties, on Thursday, June 30, by a 28–28 vote when a 2/3 majority was required.[376]

Sumner had previously led Grant to believe that he would support the treaties. Grant was outraged, and on Friday, July 1, 1870, he removed his appointed Minister to Great Britain, John Lothrop Motley, Sumner's friend, knowing he could not pacify Sumner.[377] In January 1871, Grant signed a joint resolution to send a commission to investigate annexation.[378] For this undertaking, he chose three neutral parties, with Fredrick Douglass to head the commission.[379] Although the commission approved its findings, the Senate remained opposed, forcing Grant to abandon further efforts.[380] [lower-alpha 38] The stinging controversy over Santo Domingo overshadowed Grant's foreign diplomacy. [365]

Cuba and Virginius Affair

American policy was to remain neutral during the Ten Years' War (1868–78), a series of long bloody revolts that were taking place in Cuba against Spanish rule. The U.S. refused to recognize the belligerence of the rebels, and in effect endorsed Spanish colonial rule there, while calling for the abolition of slavery in Cuba.[382] This policy was shaken in October 1873, when a Spanish cruiser captured a merchant ship, Virginius, flying the U.S. flag, carrying supplies and men to aid the insurrection. Spanish authorities executed the prisoners, including eight American citizens, and many Americans called for war with Spain. Grant ordered U.S. Navy Squadron warships to converge on Cuba, off of Key West, supported by the USS Kansas. On November 27, Fish reached a diplomatic resolution in which Spain's president, Emilio Castelar y Ripoll, expressed his regret, surrendered the Virginius and the surviving captives. A year later, Spain paid a cash indemnity of $80,000 to the families of the executed Americans.[383][384]

Free trade with Hawaii

In the face of strong opposition from Democrats, Grant and Fish secured a free trade treaty in 1875 with the Kingdom of Hawaii, incorporating the Pacific islands' sugar industry into the United States' economic sphere.[385]

Gold standard and conspiracy

Soon after taking office Grant took conservative steps to return the nation's currency to a more secure footing.[361] During the Civil War, Congress had authorized the Treasury to issue banknotes that, unlike the rest of the currency, were not backed by gold or silver. The "greenback" notes, as they were known, were necessary to pay the unprecedented war debts, but they also caused inflation and forced gold-backed money out of circulation; Grant was determined to return the national economy to pre-war monetary standards.[386] On March 18, 1869, he signed the Public Credit Act of 1869 that guaranteed bondholders would be repaid in "coin or its equivalent", while greenbacks would gradually be redeemed by the Treasury and replaced by notes backed by specie. The act committed the government to the full return of the gold standard within ten years.[387] This followed a policy of "hard currency, economy and gradual reduction of the national debt." Grant's own ideas about the economy were simple and he relied on the advice of wealthy and financially successful businessman that he courted.[361]

In April 1869, railroad tycoons Jay Gould and Jim Fisk, conspired to corner the gold market in New York, the nation's financial capital.[388] They controlled the Erie Railroad, and a high price of gold would allow foreign agriculture buyers to purchase exported crops, shipped east over the Erie's routes.[389] Boutwell's bi-weekly policy of selling gold from the Treasury, however, kept gold artificially low.[390] Unable to corrupt Boutwell, the two schemers built a relationship with Grant's brother-in-law, Abel Corbin, and gained access to Grant.[391] Gould bribed Assistant Treasurer Daniel Butterfield $10,000 to gain insided information into the Treasury.[392][lower-alpha 39][lower-alpha 40] Gould and Fisk personally lobbied Grant on board their private yacht from New York to Boston, in mid-June 1869 to influence Grant's gold policy.[394][lower-alpha 41]

In July, Grant reduced the sale of Treasury gold to $2,000,000 per month and subsequent months.[395] Fisk played a role in August in New York, having a letter from Gould, he told Grant his gold policy would destroy the nation.[396] By September, Grant, who was naive in matters of finance, was convinced that a low gold price would help farmers, and the sale of gold for September was not increased.[397] On September 23, when the gold price reached 143 18, Boutwell rushed to the White House and talked with Grant.[398] The following day, September 24, known as Black Friday, Grant ordered Boutwell to sell, whereupon Boutwell wired Butterfield in New York, to sell $4,000,000 in gold.[399] The bull market at Gould's Gold Room collapsed, the price of gold plummeted from 160 to 133 13, a bear market panic ensued, Gould and Fisk fled for their own safety, while severe economic damages lasted months.[400] By January 1870, the economy resumed its post-war recovery.[401][lower-alpha 42]

Election of 1872 and second term

Grant's first administration was mixed with both success and failure.[403] In 1871, to placate reformers, he created the America's first Civil Service Commission, chaired by reformer George William Curtis.[404]

The Liberal Republicans, composed of reformers, men who supported low tariffs, and those who opposed Grant's prosecution of the Klan, broke from Grant and the Republican Party.[405] The Liberals, who personally disliked Grant, detested his alliance with Senator Simon Cameron and Senator Roscoe Conkling, considered to be spoilsmen politicians.[406]

In 1872, the Liberals nominated Horace Greeley, a leading Republican New York Tribune editor and a fierce enemy of Grant, for president, and Missouri governor B. Gratz Brown, for vice president.[407] The Liberals denounced Grantism, corruption, nepotism, and inefficiency, demanded the withdrawal of federal troops from the South, literacy tests for blacks to vote, and amnesty for Confederates.[408] The Democrats adopted the Greeley-Brown ticket and the Liberals party platform.[409][lower-alpha 43] Greeley, whose Tribune gave him wider name recognition and a louder campaign voice, pushed the themes that the Grant administration was failed and corrupt.[411]

The Republicans nominated Grant for reelection, with Senator Henry Wilson of Massachusetts replacing Colfax as the vice presidential nominee.[412][lower-alpha 44] The Republicans shrewdly borrowed from the Liberals party platform including "extended amnesty, lowered tariffs, and embraced civil service reform."[414] Grant lowered customs duties, gave amnesty to former Confederates, and implemented a civil service merit system, neutralizing the opposition.[415] To placate the burgeoning suffragist movement, the Republicans' platform mentioned women's rights would be treated with "respectful consideration."[416] Concerning Southern policy, Greeley advocated local government control be given to whites, while Grant advocated federal protection of blacks.[417] Grant was supported by Frederick Douglass, prominent abolitionists, and Indian reformers.[418]

Grant won reelection easily thanks to federal prosecution of the Klan, a strong economy, debt reduction, lowered tariffs, and tax reductions.[419] He received 3.6 million (55.6%) votes to Greeley's 2.8 million votes and an Electoral College landslide of 286 to 66.[420][lower-alpha 45] A majority of African Americans in the South voted for Grant, while Democratic opposition remained mostly peaceful.[423] Grant lost in six former slave states that wanted to see an end to Reconstruction.[424] He proclaimed the victory as a personal vindication of his presidency, but inwardly he felt betrayed by the Liberals.[299] Grant was sworn in for his second term by Salmon P. Chase on March 4, 1873. In his second inaugural address, he reiterated the problems still facing the nation and focused on what he considered the chief issues of the day: freedom and fairness for all Americans while emphasizing the benefits of citizenship for freed slaves. Grant concluded his address with the words, "My efforts in the future will be directed towards the restoration of good feelings between the different sections of our common community".[425][lower-alpha 46] In 1873, Wilson suffered a stroke; never fully recovering, he died in office on November 22, 1875.[427][lower-alpha 47] With Wilson's loss, Grant relied on Fish's guidance more than ever.[429]

Panic of 1873 and loss of Congress

Grant continued to work for a strong dollar, signing into law the Coinage Act of 1873, which effectively ended the legal basis for bimetallism (the use of both silver and gold as money), establishing the gold standard in practice.[430][lower-alpha 48] The Coinage Act discontinued the standard silver dollar and established the gold dollar as the sole monetary standard; because the gold supply did not increase as quickly as the population, the result was deflation. Silverites, who wanted more money in circulation to raise the prices that farmers received, denounced the move as the "Crime of 1873", claiming the deflation made debts more burdensome for farmers.[432]

Economic turmoil renewed during Grant's second term. In September 1873, Jay Cooke & Company, a New York brokerage house, collapsed after it failed to sell all of the bonds issued by Cooke's Northern Pacific Railway. The collapse rippled through Wall Street, and other banks and brokerages that owned railroad stocks and bonds were also ruined.[433] On September 20, the New York Stock Exchange suspended trading for ten days.[434] Grant, who knew little about finance, traveled to New York to consult leading businessmen and bankers for advice on how to resolve the crisis, which became known as the Panic of 1873.[435] Grant believed that, as with the collapse of the Gold Ring in 1869, the panic was merely an economic fluctuation that affected bankers and brokers.[436] He instructed the Treasury to buy $10 million in government bonds, injecting cash into the system. The purchases curbed the panic on Wall Street, but an industrial depression, later called the Long Depression, nonetheless swept the nation.[435] Many of the nation's railroads—89 out of 364—went bankrupt.[437]

Congress hoped inflation would stimulate the economy and passed what became known as the "Inflation Bill" in 1874. Many farmers and workingmen favored the bill, which would have added $64 million in greenbacks to circulation, but some Eastern bankers opposed it because it would have weakened the dollar.[438] Belknap, Williams, and Delano[lower-alpha 49] told Grant a veto would hurt Republicans in the November elections. Grant believed the bill would destroy the credit of the nation, and he vetoed it despite their objections. Grant's veto placed him in the conservative faction of the Republican Party and was the beginning of the party's commitment to a gold-backed dollar.[440] Grant later pressured Congress for a bill to further strengthen the dollar by gradually reducing the number of greenbacks in circulation. When the Democrats gained a majority in the House after the 1874 elections, the lame-duck Republican Congress did so before the Democrats took office.[441] On January 14, 1875, Grant signed the Specie Payment Resumption Act, which required gradual reduction of the number of greenbacks allowed to circulate and declared that they would be redeemed for gold beginning on January 1, 1879.[442][lower-alpha 50]

Scandals and reform

Grant's presidency took place during massive post-war industrial growth, speculation and lifestyle extravagance, that fueled criminal behavior in government offices.[444] All of Grant's executive departments were investigated by Congress over corruption charges.[445] Although Grant never profited from corruption, he trusted his dishonest appointees to the extreme, while his responses to scandals damaged his presidential legacy and public reputation. [446] During his second term, Grant appointed cabinet replacements that cleaned up corruption in federal departments.[447]

Grant's administration had limited success with civil service reform.[448] Grant's Secretary of Interior Jacob D. Cox fired unqualified clerks, implemented a merit testing system, and rebuffed mandatory party contributions.[449] On October 3, 1870, Cox resigned office under a dispute with Grant over the McGarrahan claim.[450][lower-alpha 51] On March 3, 1871 Congress authorized Grant to create the Civil Service Commission.[452] Grant appointed reformer George William Curtis to head of the Commission, that advocated competitive exams, and the end of forced political payments.[453] The Commission's rules took effect the next year, but Department heads, assistants, and higher level officials were exempted.[454][lower-alpha 52]

In November 1871, Grant accepted Thomas Murphy's resignation. Grant had appointed Murphy, a Conkling ally, New York Collector, who charged enormous unclaimed freight fees at the New York Custom House, while warehouse owner George K. Leet split the profits.[456] Grant's miltary aides, Horace Porter and Orville E. Babcock, were rumored to be Leet's silent partners.[457] Grant fired Leet, and to replace Murphy, Grant appointed another Conkling ally, Chester A. Arthur, who implemented Boutwell's reforms.[458] Although exonerated, Grant was derided for his association with Conkling's New York patronage machine.[459] On March 3, 1873, Grant signed a bill that increased pay for federal employees.[460] Decried as the Salary Grab Act, Congress repealed the law later that year, but Grant was allowed to keep his doubled $50,000 annual salary.[461] By 1873, public confidence in government rule and Congress had reached its lowest ebb in an era derisively named the Gilded Age.[462]

Scandals escalated in Grant's second term, reaching into the President's inner circle.[463] In 1872, Grant signed into law an act that eliminated private moiety (tax collection) contracts, but an attached rider allowed three more contracts.[464] Boutwell's assistant secretary William A. Richardson, hired John B. Sanborn to go after "individuals and cooperations" who allegedly evaded taxes. Retained by Richardson (as Secretary), Sanborn aggressively collected $427,000 in supposed delinquent taxes.[465] A May 1874 Congressional investigation report exposed the Sanborn Incident, while Richardson was severely condemned.[466] When the House motioned Richardson's censure he resigned and Grant appointed him as a judge of the Court of Claims.[467] In June, Grant signed into law another Anti-Moiety Act, which abolished the moiety contract system.[468]

Grant replaced Richardson as Treasury Secretary with Benjamin Helm Bristow, a man known for his honesty, who began a series of reforms in the department, while tightening up its investigation force.[469] Bristow's anti-corruption house cleaning put him in the national spotlight as another scandal was discovered in 1875.[470] Under Bristow's direction, an investigation uncovered the notorious Whiskey Ring that involved collusion between distillers and Treasury officials to evade paying the Treasury millions in tax revenues.[471] Much of this money was being pocketed while some of it went into Republican coffers.[472] Bristow informed Grant of the ring in mid-April and on May 10, Bristow struck.[473] Federal marshals raided 32 installations nationwide and arrested 350 men; 176 indictments were obtained, leading to 110 convictions and $3,150,000 in fines returned to the Treasury.[474]

Grant appointed David Dyer, under Bristow's recommendation, federal attorney to prosecute the Ring in St. Louis, who indicted Grant's old friend General John McDonald, supervisor of Internal Revenue.[475] Grant endorsed Bristow's investigation writing on a letter "Let no guilty man escape..."[476] Bristow's investigation discovered Babcock received kickback payments, and that Babcock had secretly forewarned McDonald, the ring's mastermind boss, of the coming investigation.[477] On November 22, the jury convicted McDonald.[478] On December 9, Babcock was indicted, however, Grant refused to believe in Babcock's guilt, was ready to testify in Babcock's favor, but Fish warned that doing so would put Grant in the embarrassing position of testifying against a case prosecuted by his own administration.[479] Instead, Grant remained in Washington and on February 12, 1876, gave a deposition in Babcock's defense, expressing that his confidence in his secretary was "unshaken".[480] Grant's testimony silenced all but his strongest critics.[481]

The St. Louis jury acquitted Babcock, but there was enough evidence revealed that Grant reluctantly dismissed him from the White House, although Babcock kept his position of Superintendent of Public Buildings in Washington.[482][lower-alpha 53]

The Interior Department under Secretary Columbus Delano, whom Grant appointed to replace Cox, was rife with fraud and corrupt agents and Delano was forced to resign. Surveyor General Silas Reed had set up corrupt contracts that benefited Delano's son, John Delano.[484] Grant's Secretary Interior Zachariah Chandler, who succeeded Delano in 1875, implemented reforms, fired corrupt agents, and ended profiteering.[485] When Grant was informed by Postmaster Marshall Jewell of a potential Congressional investigation into an extortion scandal involving Attorney General George H. Williams' wife, Grant fired Williams and appointed Edwards Pierrepont in his place. Grant's new cabinet appointments temporarily appeased reformers.[486]

When the Democrats took control of the House in 1875, they launched a series of investigations into corruption in federal departments.[487] Among the most damaging of the Indian Ring scandal involved Secretary of War William W. Belknap taking quarterly kickbacks from the Fort Sill tradership, which led to his resignation in February 1876.[488] Belknap was impeached by the House but was acquitted by the Senate.[489] Grant's own brother Orvil set up "silent partnerships" and received kickbacks from four trading posts.[490] Congress discovered that Secretary of Navy Robeson had been bribed by a naval contractor, but no articles of impeachment were drawn up.[491] In his December 5, 1876, Eighth Annual Message, Grant apologized to the nation and admitted mistakes were made: "Failures have been errors of judgement, not of intent."[492]

Election of 1876

The abandonment of Reconstruction by the nation played a central role during the Election of 1876.[493] Mounting investigations into corruption by the House, controlled by the Democrats, politically discredited Grant's presidency.[494] Grant, by a public letter in 1875, chose not to run for a third term, while the Republicans chose Governor Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio, a reformer, at their convention.[495] The Democrats nominated Governor Samuel J. Tilden of New York. Voting irregularities in three Southern states caused the election that year to remain undecided for several months.[496] Grant told Congress to settle the matter through legislation and assured both sides that he would not use the army to force a result, except to curb violence. On January 29, 1877, he signed legislation forming an Electoral Commission to decide the matter.[497] Hayes was ruled President by the Commission; to forestall Democratic protests, Republicans agreed to the Compromise of 1877, in which the last troops were withdrawn from Southern capitals. With Reconstruction dead, an 80-year era of Jim Crow segregation was launched.[498] Grant's "calm visage" through out the election crisis appeased the nation.[499]

To the chagrin of Grant, President Hayes appointed Reconstruction critics, including Liberal Republican icon Carl Schurz to Secretary of Interior.[500]


After leaving the White House, Grant said he "was never so happy in my life." The Grants left Washington for New York, to attend the birth of their daughter Nellie's child, staying at Hamilton Fish's residence. Calling themselves "waifs," the Grants toured Cincinnati, St. Louis, Chicago, and Galena, without a clear idea of where they would live afterwards.[501]

World tour and diplomacy

For some years Grant had entertained the idea of taking a long deserved vacation after his presidency and, after liquidating one of his investments to finance the venture, the Grants set out on a world tour that lasted approximately two and a half years.[502] Grant's voyage abroad was funded by a Nevada-based mining company investment he made that earned him $25,000.[503] (~$600,000 in 2019 dollars)[504] Preparing for the tour, they arrived in Philadelphia on May 10, 1877, and were honored with celebrations during the week before their departure. On May 16, Grant and Julia left for England aboard the SS Indiana.[505] During the tour the Grants made stops in Europe, Africa, India, and points in the middle and Far East, meeting with notable dignitaries such as Queen Victoria, Pope Leo XIII, Otto von Bismarck, Emperor Meiji and others. Grant was the first U.S. President to visit Jerusalem and the Holy Land.[506]

As a courtesy to Grant by the Hayes administration, his touring party received federal transportation on three U.S. Navy ships: a five-month tour of the Mediterranean on the USS Vandalia, travel from Hong Kong to China on the USS Ashuelot, and transportation from China to Japan on the USS Richmond.[507] During the tour, the Hayes administration encouraged Grant to assume a public unofficial diplomatic role to represent the United States and strengthen American interests abroad, while resolving issues for some countries in the process.[508] Homesick, the Grants left Japan sailing on the SS City of Tokio escorted by a Japanese man-of-war, crossed the Pacific and landed in San Francisco on September 20, 1879, greeted by cheering crowds.[509] Before returning home to Philadelphia, Grant stopped at Chicago for a reunion with General Sherman and the Army of the Tennessee.[510] Grant's tour demonstrated to much of the world that the United States was an emerging world power.[511]

Third term attempt

Stalwarts, led by Grant's old political ally, Roscoe Conkling, saw Grant's renewed popularity as an opportunity to regain power, and sought to nominate him for the presidency in 1880. Opponents called it a violation of the unofficial two-term rule in use since George Washington. Grant said nothing publicly but wanted the job and encouraged his men.[512] Washburne urged him to run; Grant demurred, saying he would be happy for the Republicans to win with another candidate, though he preferred James G. Blaine to John Sherman. Even so, Conkling and John A. Logan began to organize delegates in Grant's favor. When the convention convened in Chicago in June, there were more delegates pledged to Grant than to any other candidate, but he was still short of a majority vote to get the nomination.[513]

At the convention, Conkling nominated Grant with an eloquent speech, the most famous line being: "When asked which state he hails from, our sole reply shall be, he hails from Appomattox and its famous apple tree."[513] With 370 votes needed for nomination, the first ballot had Grant at 304, Blaine at 284, Sherman at 93, and the rest to minor candidates.[514] Subsequent ballots followed, with roughly the same result; neither Grant nor Blaine could win. After thirty-six ballots, Blaine's delegates deserted him and combined with those of other candidates to nominate a compromise candidate: Representative James A. Garfield of Ohio.[515] A procedural motion made the vote unanimous for Garfield, who accepted the nomination.[516] Grant gave speeches for Garfield but declined to criticize the Democratic nominee, Winfield Scott Hancock, a general who had served under him in the Army of the Potomac.[517] Garfield won the election. Grant gave Garfield his public support and pushed him to include Stalwarts in his administration.[518] On July 2, 1881, Garfield was shot by an assassin and died on September 19. On learning of Garfield's death from a reporter, Grant wept bitterly.[519]

Business failures

When Grant had returned to America from his costly world tour, he had depleted most of his savings and needed to earn money and find a new home.[520] Wealthy friends bought him a home on Manhattan's Upper East Side, and to make an income, Grant, Jay Gould, and former Mexican Finance Secretary Matías Romero chartered the Mexican Southern Railroad, with plans to build a railroad from Oaxaca to Mexico City. Grant urged Chester A. Arthur, who had succeeded Garfield as president in 1881, to negotiate a free trade treaty with Mexico. Arthur and the Mexican government agreed, but the United States Senate rejected the treaty in 1883. The railroad was similarly unsuccessful, falling into bankruptcy the following year.[521]

At the same time, Grant's son Buck had opened a Wall Street brokerage house with Ferdinand Ward—although a confidence man who swindled numerous wealthy men, Ward was at the time regarded as a rising star on Wall Street. The firm, Grant & Ward, was initially successful.[522] In 1883, Grant joined the firm and invested $100,000 of his own money.[523] Grant, however, warned Ward that if his firm engaged in government business he would dissolve their partnership.[524] To encourage investment, Ward paid investors abnormally high interest, by pledging the company's securities on multiple loans in a process called rehypothecation.[525] Ward, in collusion with banker James D. Fish and kept secret from bank examiners, retrieved the firm's securities from the company's bank vault.[526] When the trades went bad, multiple loans came due, all backed up by the same collateral.

Historians agree that Grant was likely unaware of Ward's intentions, but it is unclear how much Buck Grant knew. In May 1884, enough investments went bad to convince Ward that the firm would soon be bankrupt. Ward, who assumed Grant was "a child in business matters,"[527] told him of the impending failure, but assured Grant that this was a temporary shortfall.[528] Grant approached businessman William Henry Vanderbilt, who gave him a personal loan of $150,000.[529] Grant invested the money in the firm, but it was not enough to save it from failure. Essentially penniless, but compelled by a sense of personal honor, he repaid what he could with his Civil War mementos and the sale or transfer of all other assets.[530] Vanderbilt took title to Grant's home, although he allowed the Grants to continue to reside there, and pledged to donate the souvenirs to the federal government and insisted the debt had been paid in full.[531] Grant was distraught over Ward's deception and asked privately how he could ever "trust any human being again."[532]

In March 1885, as his health was failing, he testified against both Ward and Fish.[533] Ward was convicted of fraud in October 1885, months after Grant's death, and served six and a half years in prison.[534] After the collapse of Grant & Ward, there was an outpouring of sympathy for Grant.[535]

Memoirs, pension, and death

Throughout his career, Grant repeatedly told highly detailed stories of his military experiences, often making slight mistakes in terms of dates and locations. As a poor hardscrabble farmer in St. Louis just before the war, he kept his neighbors spellbound till midnight "listening intently to his vivid narrations of Army experiences."[536] In calm moments during the Civil War, he often spoke of his recent experiences, typically "in terse and often eloquent language."[537] Grant's interpretations changed over time – in his letters written during the Mexican War period, there is no criticism of the war. By contrast his Memoirs are highly critical of the political aspects, condemning the war as unwarranted aggression by the United States. Grant told and retold his war stories so many times that writing his Memoirs was more a matter of repetition and polish rather than trying to recall his memories for the first time.[538][lower-alpha 54]

In the summer of 1884, Grant complained of a sore throat but put off seeing a doctor until late October, when he learned it was cancer, possibly caused by his frequent cigar smoking.[540][lower-alpha 55] Grant chose not to reveal the seriousness of his condition to his wife, who soon found out from Grant's doctor.[542] Before being diagnosed, Grant was invited to a Methodist service for Civil War veterans in Ocean Grove, New Jersey, on August 4, 1884, receiving a standing ovation from more than ten thousand veterans and others; it would be his last public appearance.[543] In March of the following year, The New York Times announced that Grant was dying of cancer, and a nationwide public concern for the former president began.[544][lower-alpha 56]

Grant was nearly broke and worried constantly about leaving his wife a suitable amount of money to live on. Century magazine offered Grant a book contract with a 10 percent royalty, but Grant's friend Mark Twain, understanding how bad Grant's financial condition was, made him an offer for his memoirs which paid an unheard-of 75 percent royalty.[546] To provide for his family, Grant worked intensely on his memoirs at his home in New York City. His former staff member Adam Badeau assisted him with much of the research, while his son Frederick located documents and did much of the fact-checking.[547] Because of the summer heat and humidity, his doctors recommended that he move upstate to a cottage at the top of Mount McGregor, offered by a family friend.[548]

Grant finished his memoir and died only a few days later.[549] Grant's memoirs treat his early life and time in the Mexican–American War briefly and are inclusive of his life up to the end of the Civil War.[550] The Personal Memoirs of Ulysses S. Grant was a critical and commercial success. Julia Grant received about $450,000 in royalties (equivalent to $12,500,000 in 2018).[546] The memoir has been highly regarded by the public, military historians, and literary critics.[551] Grant portrayed himself in the persona of the honorable Western hero, whose strength lies in his honesty and straightforwardness. He candidly depicted his battles against both the Confederates and internal army foes.[552][lower-alpha 57]

After a year-long struggle with throat cancer, surrounded by his family, Grant died at 8:08 a.m. in the Mount McGregor cottage on July 23, 1885, at the age of 63.[554] Sheridan, then Commanding General of the Army, ordered a day-long tribute to Grant on all military posts, and President Grover Cleveland ordered a thirty-day nationwide period of mourning. After private services, the honor guard placed Grant's body on a special funeral train, which traveled to West Point and New York City. A quarter of a million people viewed it in the two days before the funeral. Tens of thousands of men, many of them veterans from the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), marched with Grant's casket drawn by two dozen black stallions[555] to Riverside Park in the Morningside Heights neighborhood of Upper Manhattan. His pallbearers included Union generals Sherman and Sheridan, Confederate generals Simon Bolivar Buckner and Joseph E. Johnston, Admiral David Dixon Porter, and Senator John A. Logan, the head of the GAR.[556] Following the casket in the seven-mile-long (11 km) procession were President Cleveland, the two living former presidents Hayes and Arthur, all of the President's Cabinet, as well as the justices of the Supreme Court.[557]

Attendance at the New York funeral topped 1.5 million.[556] Ceremonies were held in other major cities around the country, while Grant was eulogized in the press and likened to George Washington and Abraham Lincoln.[558] Grant's body was laid to rest in Riverside Park, first in a temporary tomb, and then—twelve years later, on April 17, 1897—in the General Grant National Memorial, also known as "Grant's Tomb", the largest mausoleum in North America.[556]

Historical reputation

Many historians and biographers have been intrigued and challenged by contradictions in Grant's life, and few presidential reputations have shifted as dramatically as his.[559] Grant's eulogies received tempered praise, but critics quickly castigated him a drunkard, who ran a corrupt administration, while ignoring his presidential accomplishments. [560][559] Grant's reputation fell as post-war efforts in late-19th-century national reconciliation took hold among whites. As the popularity of the pro-Confederate Lost Cause theory and the Dunning School movement grew early in the 20th century, a more negative view of Grant became common.[561] In 1917, historian Louis Arthur Coolidge bucked the trend of negativity and said Grant's "success as President" was "hardly less significant than his success at war."[562][lower-alpha 58]

In 1934, historian Robert R. McCormick said Grant's military triumphs were neglected due in part to the "malicious and deliberate design" of Lost Cause veterans and writers.[564] In the 1950s, historians Bruce Catton and T. Harry Williams began a reassessment of Grant's military career, shifting the analysis of Grant as the victor by brute force to that of successful, skillful, modern strategist and commander.[565] Historian Jonathan D. Sarna said Grant's 1862 General Order No. 11 was "the most notorious anti-Jewish official order in American history."[566] William S. McFeely won the Pulitzer Prize for his critical 1981 biography that credited Grant's initial presidential efforts on civil rights, but lamented his failure to carry out lasting progress.[567] McFeely and later historians do note that Grant's drinking was falsely stereotyped by many of his critics.[568] However, historians debate how effective Grant was at halting corruption.[569] The scandals during the Grant administration were used to stigmatize his political reputation.[570]

In the 21st century, Grant's reputation among historians has improved markedly, starting with Jean Edward Smith's 2001 Grant biography.[571] Opinions of Grant's presidency demonstrate a better appreciation of Grant's personal integrity, Reconstruction efforts, and peace policy towards Indians, even when they fell short.[572][573] In 2016, Ronald C. White continued this trend with a biography that historian T. J. Stiles said, "solidifies the positive image amassed in recent decades, blotting out the caricature of a military butcher and politically incompetent, promoted by Lost Cause and Jim Crow era historians."[574][lower-alpha 59] Like White's book, Ron Chernow's 2017 biography (Grant) continued the elevation of Grant's historical reputation.[576] In a review of Chernow's book, former U.S. President Bill Clinton offered praise for "Grant's significant achievements at the end of the war and after."[577] While historian Charles W. Calhoun noted Grant's presidential successes and his steps to modernize the presidency, he questioned whether Grant's revived reputation among scholars has been found in the "popular consciousness."[578]

Historian Tyler Anbinder says, "Grant was not an obsessive nativist. He expressed his resentment of immigrants and animus toward Catholicism only rarely. But these sentiments reveal themselves frequently enough in his writings and major actions as general....In the 1850s he joined a Know Nothing lodge and irrationally blamed immigrants for setbacks in his career."[579]

Memorials and presidential library

Several memorials honor Grant. In addition to his mausoleum – Grant's Tomb in New York City – there is the Ulysses S. Grant Memorial at the foot of Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C.[580] Created by sculptor Henry Merwin Shrady and architect Edward Pearce Casey, and dedicated in 1922, it overlooks the Capitol Reflecting Pool.[581] In 2015, restoration work began, which is expected to be completed before the bicentennial of Grant's birth in 2022.[582]

The Ulysses S. Grant National Historic Site near St. Louis, and several other sites in Ohio and Illinois memorialize Grant's life.[583] The U.S. Grant Cottage State Historic Site, located at the top of Mount McGregor in Wilton, New York, preserves the house in which he completed his memoirs and died.[584][585] There are smaller memorials in Chicago's Lincoln Park and Philadelphia's Fairmount Park. Named in his honor are Grant Park, as well as several counties in western and midwestern states. On June 3, 1891, a bronze statue of Grant by Danish sculptor Johannes Gelert was dedicated at Grant Park in Galena, Illinois.[586][587] From 1890 to 1940, part of what is now Kings Canyon National Park was called General Grant National Park, named for the General Grant sequoia.[588]

In May 2012, the Ulysses S. Grant Foundation, on the institute's fiftieth anniversary, selected Mississippi State University as the permanent location for Ulysses S. Grant's presidential library.[589][590] Historian John Y. Simon edited Grant's letters into a 32-volume scholarly edition published by Southern Illinois University Press.[591]

Grant's image has appeared on the front of the United States fifty-dollar bill since 1913. In 1921, the Ulysses S. Grant Centenary Association was founded with the goal of coordinating special observances and erecting monuments in recognition of Grant's historical role. The venture was financed by the minting of 10,000 gold dollars (depicted below) and 250,000 half dollars. The coins were minted and issued in 1922, commemorating the 100th anniversary of Grant's birth.[592][593] Grant has also appeared on several U.S. postage stamps, the first one issued in 1890, five years after his death.[594]

Grant has appeared on the United States fifty-dollar bill since 1913.
Grant on the one-dollar gold piece, issued on the 100th anniversary of his birth.
See also: Grant half-dollar.
The first U.S. postage stamp honoring Grant, issued 1890
Ulysses S. Grant honored on currency and postage

See also


  1. Vice President Wilson died in office. As this was prior to the adoption of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment in 1967, a vacancy in the office of Vice President was not filled until the next ensuing election and inauguration.
  2. Grant's step-grandmother Sarah Simpson, an educated woman who read French classical literature, spoke up for the name Ulysses, the legendary, ancient Greek hero.[12]
  3. Biographer Edward G. Longacre offers the theory held by some biographers that Grant's parents' decision was based on their recognition of his aversion to music. Longacre, however, also suggests that not pushing religion may have been a form of simple parental neglect.[18]
  4. One source says Hamer nominated Grant Ulysses Sidney Grant.[26] Another source says Hamer thought the "S" stood for Simpson, Grant's mother's maiden name.[27] According to Grant, the "S." did not stand for anything. Upon graduation from the academy adopted the name "Ulysses S. Grant" .[28]
  5. All the graduates were mounted on horses during the ceremony.[33]
  6. Several scholars, including Jean Edward Smith, Ron Chernow, and Charles B. Flood said that Longstreet was Grant's best man and the two other officers were Grant's groomsmen.[48] All three served in the Confederate Army and surrendered to Grant at Appomattox.[49]
  7. William McFeely said that Grant left the army simply because he was "profoundly depressed" and that the evidence as to how much and how often Grant drank remains elusive.[81] Jean Edward Smith maintains Grant's resignation was too sudden to be a calculated decision.[82] Buchanan never mentioned it again until asked about it during the Civil War.[83] The effects and extent of Grant's drinking on his military and public career are debated by historians.[84] Lyle Dorsett said Grant was an "alcoholic" but functioned amazingly well. William Farina maintains Grant's devotion to family kept him from drinking to excess and sinking into debt.[85]
  8. Jesse's tannery business was later known as "Grant & Perkins" in 1862.[104]
  9. Rawlins later became Grant's aide-de-camp and close friend during the war.
  10. Grant's position about a civil war was made clear in an April 21 letter to his father; "we have a government and laws and a flag, and they must all be sustained. There are but two parties now, Traitors and Patriots ..."[114]
  11. Frémont dismissed rumors of Grant's drunkenness years earlier in the regular army, saying there was something about Grant's manner "that was sufficient to counteract the influence of what they said."[120]
  12. See topographical map
  13. In response to allegations of Grant's drinking, his staff officer, William R. Rowley, maintained that the allegation was a fabricated lie. Other witnesses claimed that Grant was sober on the morning of April 6.
  14. Historians' opinions vary on Grant's motives for issuing the order and whether his father's involvement provoked an intemperate response.[174]
  15. Grant made amends with the Jewish community during his presidency, appointing them to various positions in his administration.[178]
  16. Meade had followed Halleck's cautious approach to fighting, and Grant was there to give him direction and encouragement to be more aggressive.[201]
  17. Republican Senator Charles Sumner thwarted an effort to make an exemption for Stewart's appointment to hold office, that caused contention with Grant.[287]
  18. Borie's notable achievement was to desegregate the Washington Navy Yard.[289]
  19. Grant's vision of Reconstruction included federal enforcement of civil rights and acceptance of black citizenship without violence and intimidation.[298]
  20. Southern Reconstructed states were controlled by Republican carpetbaggers, scalawags and former slaves. By 1877 the conservative Democrats had full control of the region and Reconstruction was dead. [303]
  21. The strongest of these laws was the Ku Klux Klan Act, passed on April 20, 1871, that authorized the president to impose martial law and suspend the writ of habeas corpus. [306]
  22. Akerman returned over 3,000 indictments of the Klan throughout the South and obtained 600 convictions for the worst offenders.[309]
  23. To placate the South in 1870, Grant signed the Amnesty Act, which restored political rights to former Confederates.[311]
  24. Civil rights prosecutions continued but with fewer yearly cases and convictions.[313]
  25. Additionally, Grant's Postmaster General, John Creswell used his patronage powers to integrate the postal system and appointed a record number of African American men and women as postal workers across the nation, while also expanding many of the mail routes.[314] Grant appointed Republican abolitionist and champion of black education Hugh Lennox Bond as U.S. Circuit Court judge.[315]
  26. Supreme Court rulings in the Slaughter-House Cases and United States v. Cruikshank restricted federal enforcement of civil rights.[318]
  27. Grant's religious faith also influenced his policy towards Native Americans, believing that the "Creator" did not place races of men on earth for the "stronger" to destroy the "weaker".[336]
  28. His Peace Policy aimed to replace entrepreneurs serving as Native American agents with missionaries and aimed to protect Native Americans on reservations and educate them in farming.[338]
  29. Grant believed that Native Americans, given opportunities for education and work, could serve alongside white men.[336]
  30. Bison were hunted almost to the point of extinction during the latter 1800s, Yellowstone National Park was the only remaining place in the country where free-roaming herds persisted.[346]
  31. Sheridan reminded Grant that post-Civil War army was undermanned and that the territory involved was vast, requiring great numbers of soldiers to enforce the treaty.[349]
  32. In spite of Grant's efforts, over 200 battles were fought with Native Americans during his presidency.[352] The policy was considered humanitarian for its time but was later criticized for disregarding tribal cultures.[353]
  33. The 1877 Black Hills take over by the federal government has remained in dispute by the Sioux tribe, as no monetary funding was given for the land, and only 10% of the tribal males signed the cession agreement.[354]
  34. In Europe, Otto von Bismarck was leading Prussia into a dominant position in the new united German Empire. After short, decisive wars with Denmark, Austria and France ended in 1871, Bismarck was the dominant figure in Europe, and worked tirelessly and successfully to promote a peaceful continent until his removal in 1890.[356]
  35. Urged by his Secretary of War Rawlins, Grant initially supported recognition of Cuban belligerency, but Rawlins's death on September 6, 1869, removed any cabinet support for military intervention.[361]
  36. The international tribunal awarded the United States $15,500,000.[363]
  37. There is evidence to suggest in Babcock's diary that he was offered 1,000 acres of land in exchange for annexation.[373]
  38. In March 1871, Sumner was deposed of his Senate chairmanship, replaced by Grant ally Simon Cameron.[381]
  39. Butterfield was to send coded messages to Gould and Fisk to secretly alert them of Treasury gold sales by Boutwell.[393]
  40. Corbin and Gould ordered Grant's personal secretary Horace Porter $500,000 in gold and purchased $1.5 million in gold for Corbin.[393]
  41. Grant's inner circle, including Julia, were rumored to also have been given speculative gold accounts.[393]
  42. An 1870 Congressional investigation chaired by James A. Garfield cleared Grant of profiteering, but excoriated Gould and Fisk for their manipulation of the gold market and Corbin for exploiting his personal connection to Grant.[402]
  43. The Democrats were in disarray over the 1871 Tweed Ring scandal in New York City.[410]
  44. Details revealed of the 1867 Crédit Mobilier bribery scandal, implicating both Colfax and Wilson, stung the Grant administration, but Grant was not connected to the corruption.[413]
  45. Greeley died on November 28, 1872, as a result, his electoral votes were split between four candidates. Thomas A. Hendricks, the governor-elect of Indiana, received the majority: 42 electoral votes.[421][422]
  46. The day after his Inauguration, Grant wrote a letter to Colfax expressing his faith and trust in Colfax's integrity and allowed him to publish the letter, but the effort only served to compromise Grant's reputation.[426]
  47. Thomas W. Ferry, President pro tempore of the Senate, was first in line in the United States presidential line of succession from November 22, 1875 to March 4, 1877.[428]
  48. The gold standard and deflation economy remained in effect into the mid-1890s.[431]
  49. Grant and Delano, his second Secretary of Interior, were third cousins.[439]
  50. The 1879 date was more distant than Grant had hoped, but the knowledge that paper money would soon be worth its face value in gold drove them towards parity before the bill took effect. The country was still not on the gold standard, with silver coins remaining lawful currency.[443]
  51. William McGarrahan claimed ownership of a lucrative California quicksilver mine under the jurisdiction of the Interior Department. Cox issued a patent for the New Idria Mining Company who worked the mine and believed McGarrahan was a "fraudulent claimant." Grant wanted the dispute settled by Congress.[451]
  52. When Congress failed to make the Commission's reform rules permanent, Grant dissolved the Commission in 1874.[455]
  53. McFeely, writing in 1981, believed that Grant knew of Babcock's guilt, while Smith, in 2001, believed the evidence against Babcock was circumstantial at best.[483]
  54. To restore his family's income and reputation, Grant wrote several articles on his Civil War campaigns for The Century Magazine at $500 (equivalent to $14,000 in 2018) each. The articles were well received by critics, and the editor, Robert Underwood Johnson, suggested that Grant write a book of memoirs, as Sherman and others had done. Grant's articles would serve as the basis for several chapters.[539]
  55. Today, medical historians believed he suffered from a T1N1 carcinoma of the tonsillar fossa.[541]
  56. Knowing of Grant and Julia's financial difficulties, Congress sought to honor him and restored him to the rank of General of the Army with full retirement pay—Grant's assumption of the presidency in 1869 had required that he resign his commission and forfeit his (and his widow's) pension.[545]
  57. Twain called the Memoirs a "literary masterpiece." Given over a century of favorable literary analysis, reviewer Mark Perry states that the Memoirs are "the most significant work" of American non-fiction.[553]
  58. In 1931, historians Paxson and Bach noted that Grant's presidency "had some achievements, after all."[563]
  59. White said Grant, "demonstrated a distinctive sense of humility, moral courage, and determination," and as president he "stood up for African-Americans, especially fighting against voter suppression perpetuated by the Ku Klux Klan."[575]


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  4. White 2016, p. 6.
  5. Hesseltine 1957, p. 4.
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  8. Ulster-Scots and the US Presidents, p. 3.
  9. Killanin, 1989, p. 62.
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  12. White 2016, pp. 9–10.
  13. Longacre 2006, pp. 6–7.
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  15. McFeely 1981, pp. 8, 10, 140–141; White 2016, p. 21.
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  17. Longacre 2006, pp. 6–7; Waugh 2009, p. 10.
  18. Longacre 2006, p. 7.
  19. Simpson 2014, pp. 2–3; Longacre 2006, pp. 6–7.
  20. Waugh 2009, p. 10.
  21. White 2016, p. 20; Simpson 2014, p. 20.
  22. Chernow 2017, pp. 99–100.
  23. White 2016, pp. 24–25.
  24. White 2016, pp. 25, 43; Cullum 1891, pp. 170–171; Simpson 2014, pp. 10–11.
  25. McFeely 1981, p. 12; Smith 2001, pp. 24, 83; Simon 1967, pp. 3–4; Kahan 2018, p. 2.
  26. Poore, & Tiffany 1885, p. 12.
  27. Simon 1967, pp. 3–4.
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  51. Smith 2001, p. 73.
  52. Simpson 2014, p. 49.
  53. Encyclopedia of the Mexican-American War 2013, p. 271.
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  55. McFeely 1981, pp. 30–31; Brands 2012, p. 23.
  56. White 2016, p. 80.
  57. McFeely 1981, pp. 33–34; Brands 2012, p. 37.
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  59. Brands 2012, pp. 41–42.
  60. McFeely 1981, p. 36.
  61. White 2016, p. 66; Encyclopedia of the Mexican-American War 2013, p. 271.
  62. Simpson 2014, p. 44; Encyclopedia of the Mexican-American War 2013, p. 271.
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  64. Simpson 2014, p. 458; Chernow 2017, p. 58.
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  66. White 2016, p. 75.
  67. Chernow 2017, p. 65.
  68. Chernow 2017, p. 74.
  69. Smith 2001, p. 76–78; Chernow 2017, pp. 73–74.
  70. Smith 2001, p. 78; Chernow 2017, p. 75.
  71. McFeely 1981; Chernow 2017.
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  73. Chernow 2017, p. 78.
  74. McFeely 1981, p. 52; Cullum 1891, p. 171; Chernow 2017, p. 81.
  75. Chernow 2017, pp. 81-83.
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  77. Chernow 2017, p. 85.
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  87. Smith 2001, pp. 87–88; Lewis 1950, pp. 328–332.
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  90. McFeely 1981, pp. 58–60; White 2016, p. 125.
  91. McFeely 1981, p. 61.
  92. McFeely 1981, pp. 58–60; Chernow 2017, p. 94.
  93. Brands 2012, p. 96.
  94. White 2016, p. 128.
  95. McFeely 1981, p. 62; Brands 2012, p. 86; White 2016, p. 128.
  96. Brands 2012; White 2016.
  97. Smith 2001, pp. 94–95; White 2016, p. 130.
  98. Brands 2012, pp. 86–87.
  99. Smith 2001, pp. 94–95; McFeely 1981, p. 69; White 2016, p. 130.
  100. McFeely 1981, p. 64; Brands 2012, pp. 89–90; White 2016, pp. 129–131.
  101. White 2016, p. 131; Simon 1969, pp. 4–5.
  102. McFeely 1981, pp. 69–70.
  103. McFeely 1981, pp. 65–66; White 2016, pp. 133, 136.
  104. McFeely 1981, p. 66.
  105. White 2016, p. 136.
  106. White 2016, pp. 135–137.
  107. McFeely 1981, pp. 69–70; Simon 1969, pp. 4–5.
  108. Chernow 2017, pp. 119–120.
  109. White 2016, p. 140.
  110. Brands 2012, p. 121.
  111. Smith 2001, p. 99.
  112. White 2016, pp. 140–143; Brands 2012, pp. 121–122; McFeely 1981, p. 73; Bonekemper 2012, p. 17; Smith 2001, p. 99; Chernow 2017, p. 125.
  113. McFeely 1981, p. 73; Chernow 2017, p. 125.
  114. Brands 2012, p. 123.
  115. Brands 2012, pp. 122–123; McFeely 1981, p. 80; Bonekemper 2012.
  116. Flood 2005, pp. 45–46; Simon 1965; Bonekemper 2012, pp. 18–19.
  117. Smith 2001, p. 113; Bonekemper 2012.
  118. Bonekemper 2012, p. 21.
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  120. Catton 1998, p. 68.
  121. White 2016, p. 159; Bonekemper 2012, p. 21.
  122. Flood 2005, p. 63; White 2016, p. 159; Bonekemper 2012, p. 21.
  123. McFeely 1981, p. 91; Chernow 2017, pp. 153–155.
  124. White 2016, p. 168.
  125. White 2016, pp. 169–171.
  126. White 2016, p. 172.
  127. White 2016, pp. 172–173; Groom 2012, pp. 94, 101–103.
  128. McFeely 1981, pp. 92–94.
  129. Bonekemper 2012, pp. 33, 35.
  130. White 2016, p. 168; McFeely 1981, p. 94.
  131. Smith 2001, pp. 138–142; Groom 2012, pp. 101–103.
  132. Smith 2001, p. 146.
  133. Smith 2001, pp. 141–164; Brands 2012, pp. 164–165.
  134. Groom 2012, pp. 138, 143–144.
  135. Brands 2012, pp. 164–165; Smith 2001, pp. 125–134.
  136. Groom 2012, p. 18.
  137. White 2016, p. 210; Barney 2011, p. 287.
  138. Smith 2001, p. 185.
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  140. Groom 2012, pp. 62–65; McFeely 1981, pp. 112.
  141. White 2016, p. 211.
  142. McFeely 1981, p. 111; Bonekemper 2012, pp. 51, 94; Catton 1963, pp. 228, 230–231; Barney 2011, p. 287.
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  144. Bonekemper 2012, pp. 51, 58–59, 63–64.
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  147. Bonekemper 2012, pp. 59, 63–64; Smith 2001, p. 206.
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  149. McFeely 1981, p. 115.
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  153. Kaplan 2015, pp. 1109–1119; White 2016, pp. 223–225.
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  156. White 2016, p. 230; Groom 2012, pp. 363–364.
  157. Brands 2012, pp. 188–191; White 2016, pp. 230–231.
  158. White 2016, p. 225–226.
  159. Longacre 2006, p. 137; White 2016, p. 231.
  160. Brands 2012, pp. 211–212.
  161. Badeau 1887, p. 126.
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  163. White 2016, p. 243; Miller 2019, p. xii.
  164. Brands 2012, pp. 221–223; Catton 1960, p. 112.
  165. Flood 2005, pp. 147–148; White 2016, p. 246.
  166. White 2016, p. 248.
  167. Catton 1960, pp. 119, 291; White 2016, pp. 248–249.
  168. Brands 2012, pp. 223, 225; White 2016, p. 250.
  169. Bonekemper 2012, pp. 147–148.
  170. White 2016; Miller 2019, p. 154-155.
  171. Smith 2001.
  172. Flood 2005, pp. 143–144; Sarna 2012a, p. 37.
  173. Brands 2012, p. 218.
  174. Smith 2001, pp. 226–227; Simpson 2014, pp. 164–165; Brands 2012, pp. 217–219.
  175. Brands 2012, p. 220; Smith 2001, pp. 226–227; McFeely 1981.
  176. Miller 2019, p. 260.
  177. Smith 2001, pp. 226–227.
  178. Sarna 2012a, pp. 89, 147; White 2016, p. 494.
  179. Bonekemper 2012, pp. 148–149.
  180. Brands 2012, pp. 226–228.
  181. Flood 2005, p. 160.
  182. Flood 2005, pp. 164–165.
  183. Smith 2001, p. 231.
  184. McFeely 1981, p. 136.
  185. McFeely 1981, pp. 122–138; Smith 2001, pp. 206–257.
  186. Catton 1968, p. 8.
  187. Catton 1968, p. 7.
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  189. Flood 2005, p. 196.
  190. McFeely 1981, pp. 145–147; Smith 2001, pp. 267–268; Brands 2012, pp. 267–268.
  191. Flood 2005, pp. 214–215.
  192. Flood 2005, p. 216.
  193. Flood 2005, pp. 217–218.
  194. McFeely 1981, pp. 148–150.
  195. Smith 2001, p. 303.
  196. Flood 2005, p. 232; McFeely 1981, p. 148; Cullum 1891, p. 172.
  197. White 2016, pp. 313, 319.
  198. Chernow 2017, pp. 339, 342.
  199. Chernow 2017, pp. 343–344, 352.
  200. McFeely 1981, p. 156; Chernow 2017, p. 352.
  201. Smith 2001, pp. 292–293.
  202. Wheelan 2014, p. 20; Simon 2002, p. 243; Chernow 2017, pp. 356–357.
  203. Catton 1960, pp. 190, 193; Wheelan 2014, p. 20; Chernow 2017, pp. 348, 356–357.
  204. McFeely 1981, p. 157; Wheelan 2014, p. 20; Chernow 2017, p. 356–357.
  205. McFeely 1981, pp. 157–175; Smith 2001, pp. 313–339, 343–368; Wheelan 2014, p. 20; Chernow 2017, pp. 356–357.
  206. Chernow 2017.
  207. McFeely 1981, pp. 162–163.
  208. Chernow 2017, p. 378.
  209. Chernow 2017, pp. 396–397.
  210. Smith 2001, pp. 303, 314; Chernow 2017, pp. 376–377.
  211. Smith 2001, p. 314; Chernow 2017, pp. 376–377.
  212. Chernow 2017, pp. 378–379, 384; Bonekemper 2012, p. 463.
  213. McFeely 1981, p. 165.
  214. Chernow 2017, pp. 385–387, 394–395; Bonekemper 2012, p. 463.
  215. Chernow 2017, pp. 389, 392–395.
  216. McFeely 1981, p. 169.
  217. Bonekemper 2011, pp. 41–42.
  218. McFeely 1981, pp. 157–175; Smith 2001, pp. 313–339, 343–368.
  219. McFeely 1981, pp. 178–186.
  220. Chernow 2017, p. 414; White 2016, pp. 369–370.
  221. McFeely 1981, p. 179; Smith 2001, pp. 369–395; Catton 1968, pp. 308–309.
  222. Catton 1968, p. 309.
  223. Catton 1960, pp. 223, 228; Smith 2001, p. 387.
  224. Catton 1960, p. 235; Smith 2001, pp. 388–389.
  225. Smith 2001, pp. 388–389.
  226. Smith 2001, pp. 389–390.
  227. Smith 2001, p. 390.
  228. Bonekemper 2012, p. 359.
  229. Bonekemper 2012, p. 353.
  230. McFeely 1981, pp. 213–214.
  231. Bonekemper 2012, pp. 365–366.
  232. White 2016, pp. 403–404.
  233. Smith 2001, pp. 401–403.
  234. Chernow 2017, p. 504; Smith 2001, pp. 401–403.
  235. White 2016, p. 405.
  236. Grant 1885, p. Chapter LXVII; Smith 2001, p. 404.
  237. White 2016, pp. 405–406.
  238. Goethals 2015, p. 92; Smith 2001, p. 405.
  239. White 2016, p. 407.
  240. McFeely 1981, pp. 212, 219–220; Catton 1960, p. 304; Chernow 2017, p. 510.
  241. McFeely 1981, p. 224; White 2016, p. 412.
  242. Brands 2012, pp. 375–376.
  243. Smith 2001, pp. 409–412.
  244. McFeely 1981, pp. 227–229; White 2016, p. 414.
  245. Brands 2012, pp. 410–411; Chernow 2017, pp. 556–557.
  246. White 2016, p. 418.
  247. Smith 2001, pp. 417-418.
  248. McFeely 1981, pp. 232–233.
  249. McFeely 1981, pp. 233–234.
  250. Smith 2001, p. 434n.
  251. Smith 2001, p. 420; McFeely 1981, pp. 238–241.
  252. Brands 2012, p. 390.
  253. Chernow 2017, p. 565.
  254. McFeely 1981, pp. 240–241; Smith 2001, pp. 420–421.
  255. Chernow 2017, pp. 533–534.
  256. Chernow 2017, p. 569.
  257. Brands 2012, p. 396; Simon 2002, p. 244.
  258. Brands 2012, pp. 397–398.
  259. Smith 2001, pp. 432–433; Simon 2002, p. 244.
  260. Smith 2001, p. 438; Simon 2002, p. 244.
  261. Simon 2002, p. 244; Chernow 2017, p. 594.
  262. Simon 2002, p. 244; Chernow 2017, pp. 594–595.
  263. White 2016, p. 453.
  264. Chernow 2017, p. 603.
  265. Calhoun, pp. 35–36.
  266. White 2016, p. 454–455; Simon 2002, pp. 244.
  267. Simon 2002, p. 244.
  268. Chernow 2017, p. 611.
  269. White 2016, pp. 458–459; Simon 2002, p. 244.
  270. Simon 2002, p. 244; Chernow 2017, p. 614.
  271. Simon 2002, pp. 244–245.
  272. Peters & Woolley 2018a.
  273. Simon 2002, p. 245.
  274. Peters & Woolley 2018b.
  275. Calhoun 2017, p. 46.
  276. McFeely 1981, pp. 264–267.
  277. Smith 2001, pp. 459–460.
  278. Smith 2001, pp. 468–469.
  279. Smith 2001, p. 461.
  280. Calhoun 2017, p. 55.
  281. McFeely 1981, p. 284; Smith 2001, p. 461; White 2016, p. 471.
  282. White 2016, p. 472.
  283. Patrick 1968, p. 166; McFeely 1981, p. 305; Simon 2002, pp. 246, 250.
  284. Smith 2001, pp. 465–466; White 2016, pp. 475, 530; Chernow 2017, pp. 635–636; Simon 2002, p. 246.
  285. Simon 2002, pp. 246–247.
  286. White 2016, pp. 507, 564; Simon 2002, pp. 246–247.
  287. Kahan 2018, pp. 46–47.
  288. Kahan 2018, p. 48.
  289. Kahan 2018, pp. 47–48.
  290. Chernow 2017, p. 628; Simon 2002, pp. 246–247; Kahan 2018, p. 48.
  291. Smith 2001, pp. 446, 469–470; Kahan 2018, pp. 47–48.
  292. White 2016, pp. 474–475.
  293. Smith 2001, p. 472.
  294. Calhoun 2017, p. 376.
  295. Chernow 2017, pp. 749–750; Kahan 2018, p. XII; Calhoun 2017, pp. 384–385.
  296. Kahan 2018, p. 61.
  297. Scher 2015, p. 83; Simon 2002, p. 247.
  298. Goethals 2015, p. 96; Kaczorowski 1995, p. 155.
  299. Simon 2002.
  300. Brands 2012, pp. 435,465; Chernow 2017, pp. 686–687; Simon 2002, p. 247.
  301. Brands 2012, p. 465.
  302. Simon 2002, p. 246.
  303. Simon 2002, pp. 247–248.
  304. Smith 2001, pp. 543–545; Brands 2012, p. 474.
  305. Kahan 2018, pp. 64–65.
  306. Smith 2001, pp. 545–546; White 2016, p. 521; Simon 2002, p. 248; Kahan 2018, pp. 64–65.
  307. Simon 2002, p. 248.
  308. Kahan 2018, p. 66.
  309. Smith 2001, p. 547.
  310. Smith 2001, pp. 547–548.
  311. Kahan 2018, pp. 67–68.
  312. Kahan 2018, p. 122.
  313. Wang 1997, p. 102; Kaczorowski 1995, p. 182.
  314. Osborne & Bombaro 2015, pp. 6, 12, 54; Chernow 2017, p. 629.
  315. Chernow 2017, p. 628.
  316. Richter 2012, pp. 72, 527–528, 532; Kahan 2018, pp. 121–122.
  317. Smith 2001, pp. 552–553; Kahan 2018, pp. 121–122.
  318. Kaczorowski 1995, p. 184.
  319. Brands 2012, pp. 538–541; Foner 2014, p. 528.
  320. Brands 2012, p. 553.
  321. McFeely 1981, pp. 420–422.
  322. Chernow 2017, pp. 816–817.
  323. Brands 2012, p. 552.
  324. McFeely 1981, pp. 418–419.
  325. McFeely 1981, pp. 418–419; Franklin 1974, p. 235.
  326. Brands 2012, p. 570.
  327. Sarna 2012a, pp. ix–xiv.
  328. Calhoun 2017, p. 512.
  329. Calhoun 2017, pp. 512–513; Smith 2001, p. 570.
  330. Calhoun 2017, p. 513.
  331. Sproat 1974, pp. 163–165; Calhoun 2017, pp. 561–562.
  332. Smith 2001, pp. 603–604; Sproat 1974, pp. 163–165; Calhoun 2017, pp. 561–562.
  333. Chernow 2017, pp. 853–854; Smith 2001, pp. 603–604; Sproat 1974, pp. 163–165.
  334. White 2016, p. 487.
  335. White 2016, pp. 490–491; Simon 2002, p. 250; Smith 2001, pp. 472–473.
  336. White 2016, p. 491.
  337. Simon 2002, p. 250; Smith 2001, p. 535; Simon 2002, p. 250.
  338. McFeely 1981, pp. 308–309; Brands 2012, p. 502.
  339. Waltmann 1971, p. 327.
  340. Simon 2002, p. 250.
  341. Coffey 2011; Kahan 2018, pp. 71–72.
  342. Kahan 2018, p. 127.
  343. Smith 2001, pp. 532–535; Coffey 2011.
  344. Coffey 2011, pp. 604–605.
  345. Taylor 2011, pp. 3187–3188; Pritchard 1999, p. 5.
  346. NPS: Bison Ecology
  347. Chernow 2017, p. 830; Brands 2012, p. 564.
  348. Chernow 2017, p. 832; Calhoun 2017, p. 546.
  349. Smith 2001, p. 538.
  350. Brands 2012, pp. 565–566; Donovan 2008, pp. 115, 322–323.
  351. Calhoun 2017, p. 549.
  352. McFeely 1981, p. 316.
  353. Smith 2001, p. 541.
  354. Bell 2018, pp. 6–7.
  355. Calhoun 2017, pp. 310–311, 380–381.
  356. The main scholarly history remains Allan Nevins, Hamilton Fish: The inner history of the Grant administration (two volumes 1936) 932 pp, winner of the Pulitzer Prize. The most recent scholarly survey is Charles W Calhoun, The Presidency of Ulysses S. Grant (2017), pp. 151–261, 329–361, 426–432. The recent one volume biographies summarize the main topics.
  357. Simon 2002, p. 249; Smith 2001, p. 491; Kahan 2018, p. 78.
  358. Justin Libby, "Hamilton Fish and the Origins of Anglo-American Solidarity." Mid-America 76.3 (1994): 205–226.
  359. McFeely 1981, pp. 352–354.
  360. Smith 2001, pp. 508–511.
  361. Simon 2002, p. 249.
  362. Smith 2001, pp. 512–515; Simon 2002, p. 249.
  363. Smith 2001, pp. 512–515.
  364. Smith 2001, p. 249; Simon 2002, pp. 512–515; Calhoun 2017, p. 344.
  365. Calhoun 2017, p. 7.
  366. Chernow 2017, pp. 555, 661; Kahan 2018, pp. 75–76; Calhoun 2017, p. 199.
  367. Chernow 2017, pp. 661–662; Kahan 2018, pp. 75–76; Calhoun 2017, pp. 199-200, 206; Brands 2012, pp. 454–455.
  368. Kahan 2018, pp. 90–91; Calhoun 2017, p. 204.
  369. Chernow 2017, p. 661.
  370. Schmiel 2014.
  371. Calhoun 2017, pp. 207, 210–211; Kahan 2018, p. 91.
  372. Smith 2001, pp. 500–502; Chernow 2017, pp. 663–664; Calhoun 2017, p. 220.
  373. Calhoun 2017, p. 215.
  374. Kahan 2018, p. 91; Calhoun 2017, pp. 223, 226.
  375. Chernow 2017, pp. 660–665; Calhoun 2017, pp. 226–234, 254.
  376. White 2016, pp. 509–512; Pletcher 1998, p. 167; Simon 2002; McFeely 1981, pp. 339–341.
  377. Calhoun 2017, pp. 254, 258; Kahan 2018, p. 94.
  378. Brands 2012, p. 461; Kahan 2018, pp. 94–95.
  379. Chernow 2017, pp. 715–716.
  380. Brands 2012, p. 461; Smith 2001, pp. 505–506.
  381. Simon 2002, p. 250; McFeely 1981, pp. 349–352; Kahan 2018, p. 95.
  382. Andrew Priest, "Thinking about Empire: The administration of Ulysses S. Grant, Spanish colonialism and the ten years' war in Cuba." Journal of American Studies 48.2 (2014): 541–558. online
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  384. Nevins 1936, pp. 667–694.
  385. Calhoun 2017, pp. 539–540.
  386. McFeely 1981, p. 279.
  387. White 2016, pp. 476–478; Simon 2002, p. 248; Burdekin & Siklos 2013, pp. 24–25.
  388. Simon 2002, p. 248; Chernow 2017, p. 672; Calhoun 2017, p. 125; Kahan 2018, p. 54.
  389. Calhoun 2017, pp. 125–128; Kahan 2018, p. 54.
  390. Calhoun 2017, p. 128.
  391. Brands 2012, pp. 437–443; McFeely 1974, p. 134; Chernow 2017, p. 673; Calhoun 2017, pp. 128–129; Kahan 2018, p. 55.
  392. McFeely 1981, pp. 136, 323–324; Chernow 2017, p. 674; Kahan 2018, pp. 55–56.
  393. Kahan 2018, pp. 55–56.
  394. Calhoun 2017, pp. 129–130.
  395. Calhoun 2017, p. 130.
  396. Calhoun 2017, p. 131.
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  398. Calhoun 2017, pp. 140–141.
  399. Calhoun 2017, p. 141.
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  402. Brands 2012, pp. 445–446; Simon 2002, p. 248.
  403. Foner 2014, pp. 499–500; Kahan 2018, p. 103.
  404. Patrick 1968, pp. 172–173; Simon 2002, p. 250; Smith 2001, pp. 589–590; Kahan 2018, pp. 105,106.
  405. Simon 2002, p. 250; Chernow 2017, pp. 734–735; Kahan 2018, pp. 105–106; Brands 2012, pp. 488–489.
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  408. Wang 1997, pp. 103–104; Simon 2002, p. 250; Chernow 2017, pp. 735, 740.
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  410. Kahan 2018, p. 107.
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  415. Calhoun 2017, pp. 372–373, 387.
  416. Chernow 2017, pp. 749–750.
  417. Foner 2014; Calhoun 2017.
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  421. Brands 2012, p. 499.
  422. Election of 1872.
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  424. Goethals 2015, p. 98.
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  430. Venable 2011, pp. 66–68.
  431. Burdekin & Siklos 2013, p. 25.
  432. Weinstein 1967, pp. 307–326.
  433. Brands 2012, p. 517.
  434. McFeely 1981, p. 393.
  435. Smith 2001, pp. 576–579.
  436. Brands 2012, p. 518.
  437. McFeely 1981, p. 391; Smith 2001, pp. 375–377.
  438. McFeely 1981, p. 395.
  439. Porter 2005, p. 185.
  440. Smith 2001, pp. 580–581.
  441. White 2016, pp. 545, 550.
  442. Smith 2001, pp. 580–582; Brands 2012, p. 554.
  443. Brands 2012, p. 582.
  444. Woodward 1957, p. 156; White 2016, pp. 538, 541.
  445. McFeely 1974, pp. 133–134; Chernow 2017, p. 825.
  446. Smith 2001, pp. 587, 592; McFeely 1981, pp. 407–415; White 2016, pp. 538–539; Chernow 2017, p. 672; Kahan 2018, p. 119.
  447. White 2016, pp. 557, 560.
  448. Calhoun 2017, p. 293.
  449. Chernow 2017, p. 730; Schmiel 2014, pp. 205, 213.
  450. Chernow 2017, pp. 730–731; Schmiel 2014, pp. 214–215; Calhoun 2017, pp. 284–286.
  451. Calhoun 2017, pp. 284–286.
  452. Smith 2001, pp. 589–590; Simon 2002, p. 250; Calhoun 2017, p. 372.
  453. Chernow 2017, p. 731.
  454. Calhoun 2017, p. 372.
  455. Smith 2001, p. 589.
  456. Kahan 2018, p. 114.
  457. Calhoun 2017, p. 369.
  458. McFeely 1974, pp. 144–146; Chernow 2017, pp. 735–737; Kahan 2018, p. 114.
  459. Chernow 2017, pp. 735–737; Kahan 2018, p. 114.
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  461. Simon 2002, p. 251; Smith 2001, pp. 552–553.
  462. Calhoun 2017, p. 404.
  463. White 2016, p. 554.
  464. Calhoun 2017.
  465. Smith 2001, p. 578; McFeely 1974, p. 147; Chernow 2017, pp. 782; Calhoun 2017, pp. 446–447.
  466. McFeely 1974, pp. 147–148; Chernow 2017, p. 782; White 2016.
  467. McFeely 1974, pp. 147–148; Chernow 2017, p. 782; Calhoun 2017, pp. 446–447.
  468. McFeely 1974, pp. 133–134.
  469. Brands 2012, pp. 556–557; Kohn 2000, p. 417; Nevins 1929, p. 56; McFeely 1974, p. 148.
  470. Calhoun 2017, p. 494.
  471. Calhoun 2017, pp. 494, 496.
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  473. Calhoun 2017, pp. 496–497.
  474. McFeely 1974, p. 156; Smith 2001, p. 584; Brands 2012, pp. 556–557; White 2016, pp. 754; Calhoun 2017.
  475. Calhoun 2017, p. 498.
  476. Calhoun 2017, p. 499.
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  479. Chernow 2017, pp. 805–806; Calhoun 2017, pp. 518, 522–523.
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  484. McFeely 1974, pp. 149–150.
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  492. McFeely 1981, pp. 441–442.
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  497. Smith 2001, pp. 601–603.
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  503. Smith 2016, p. 387.
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  507. White 2016, pp. 597–502, 608–610.
  508. Campbell 2016, pp. xi–xii, 2–3.
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  511. Chernow 2017, pp. 871.
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  525. McFeely 1981, pp. 488–491; White 2016, p. 269.
  526. White 2016, pp. 627–629.
  527. Chernow 2017, pp. 917.
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  529. McFeely 1981, pp. 492–493.
  530. Perry 2004, p. xxix.
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  533. Badeau 1887, p. 447; Mackowski & White 2015, p. 169.
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