Mongol invasions of Japan

The Mongol invasions of Japan (元寇, Genkō), which took place in 1274 and 1281, were major military efforts undertaken by Kublai Khan to conquer the Japanese archipelago after the submission of Goryeo (Korea) to vassaldom. Ultimately a failure, the invasion attempts are of macro-historical importance because they set a limit on Mongol expansion and rank as nation-defining events in the history of Japan.

Mongol invasions of Japan
Part of the Mongol invasion of East Asia and Kublai Khan's Campaigns

Mongol invasions of Japan in 1274 and 1281
Date1274, 1281
Northern Kyūshū, Japan
Result Decisive Japanese victory


Mongol Empire

Commanders and leaders
Emperor Kameyama
Prince Koreyasu
Hōjō Tokimune
Shōni Sukeyoshi
Ōtomo Yoriyasu
Shōni Tsuneyasu
Shōni Kageyasu
Kikuchi Takefusa
Takezaki Suenaga
Michiyasu Shiroishi
Fukuda Kaneshige
Tōgō Korechika
Hida Nagamoto
Mitsui Yasunaga
Sō Sukekuni
Taira no Kagetaka
Sashi Husashi
Sashi Nao
Sashi Tōdō
Sashi Isamu
Ishiji Kane
Ishiji Jirō
Yamashiro Kai
Mongol :
Kublai Khan
Korea :
King Wonjong
Kim Bang-gyeong
1274: 2,000-6,000[1]
1281: 40,000 (?)
Reinforcements by Rokuhara Tandai: 60,000 (not yet arrived)
1274: a force of Mongol, Chinese and Korean soldiers, numbering 23,000–39,700[2]
with 600–800 ships (300 large vessels and 400–500 smaller craft)
1281: two forces of Mongol, Chinese and Korean soldiers, numbering 100,000 and 40,000
with 3,500 and 900 ships (respectively)
Casualties and losses
1274/1281: Minimal

1274: 13,500[3]–22,500
1281: 100,000[4]–130,500

20,000–30,000 captured[5]

The Mongol invasions are considered a precursor to early modern warfare. One of the most notable technological innovations during the war was the use of explosive, hand-thrown bombs and tipped arrows.[6]

The invasions are referred to in many works of fiction and are the earliest events for which the word kamikaze ("divine wind") is widely used, originating in reference to the two typhoons faced by the Mongol fleets.


After a series of Mongol invasions of Korea between 1231 and 1281, Goryeo signed a treaty in favor of the Mongols and became a vassal state. Kublai was declared Khagan of the Mongol Empire in 1260 (although this was not widely recognized by the Mongols in the west) and established his capital at Khanbaliq (within modern Beijing) in 1264.

Japan at the time was ruled by the Shikken (shogunate regents) of the Hōjō clan, who had intermarried with and wrested control from Minamoto no Yoriie, shōgun of the Kamakura shogunate, after his death in 1203. The inner circle of the Hōjō clan had become so preeminent that they no longer consulted the council of the shogunate (Hyōjō (評定)), the Imperial Court of Kyoto, or their gokenin vassals, and made their decisions at private meetings in their residences (yoriai (寄合)).

The Mongols also made attempts to subjugate the native peoples of Sakhalin—the Ainu, Orok, and Nivkh peoples—from 1260 to 1308.[7] However, it is doubtful if Mongol activities in Sakhalin were part of the effort to invade Japan.[8]


In 1266, Kublai Khan dispatched emissaries to Japan with a letter saying:

Cherished by the Mandate of Heaven, the Great Mongol emperor sends this letter to the king of Japan. The sovereigns of small countries, sharing borders with each other, have for a long time been concerned to communicate with each other and become friendly. Especially since my ancestor governed at heaven's command, innumerable countries from afar disputed our power and slighted our virtue. Goryeo rendered thanks for my ceasefire and for restoring their land and people when I ascended the throne. Our relation is feudatory like a father and son. We think you already know this. Goryeo is my eastern tributary. Japan was allied with Goryeo and sometimes with China since the founding of your country; however, Japan has never dispatched ambassadors since my ascending the throne. We are afraid that the Kingdom is yet to know this. Hence we dispatched a mission with our letter particularly expressing our wishes. Enter into friendly relations with each other from now on. We think all countries belong to one family. How are we in the right, unless we comprehend this? Nobody would wish to resort to arms.[9]

Kublai essentially demanded that Japan become a vassal and send tribute under a threat of conflict. However, the emissaries returned empty-handed. The second set of emissaries were sent in 1268, returning empty-handed like the first. Both sets of emissaries met with the Chinzei Bugyō, or Defense Commissioner for the West, who passed on the message to Shikken, Hōjō Tokimune, Japan's ruler in Kamakura and to the Emperor of Japan in Kyoto.

After discussing the letters with his inner circle, there was much debate, but the Shikken had his mind made up; he had the emissaries sent back with no answer. The Mongols continued to send demands, some through Korean emissaries and some through Mongol ambassadors on March 7, 1269; September 17, 1269; September 1271; and May 1272. However, each time, the bearers were not permitted to land in Kyushu.

The Imperial Court suggested compromise,[10] but really had little effect in the matter, due to political marginalization after the Jōkyū War. The uncompromising shogunate ordered all those who held fiefs in Kyūshū, the area closest to the Korean Peninsula and thus most likely to be attacked, to return to their lands and forces in Kyūshū moved west, further securing the most likely landing points.

After acknowledging its importance, the Imperial Court led great prayer services to calm local residents, and much government business was put off to deal with this crisis.

First invasion preparations

The Khan was willing to go to war as early as 1268 after having been rebuffed twice, but found that his empire did not have the resources to provide him with a sufficient navy at that time. With Mongol entry into the Korean court by marriage of the Korean crown prince to Kublai Khan's daughter, a mass construction of ships began on Korea's south-eastern shores, while the Mongols continued to demand Japan's surrender.

Kublai Khan founded the Yuan dynasty in 1271. In 1272, King Chungnyeol offered counsel to Kublai Khan. According to Goryeosa, ¨Japan is yet to know the world is hallowed. So dispatch emissaries and convey our military power to Japan. Battle ships and military rations are well prepared. If you appoint me, I encourage you to the extent of my power.¨[11] According to the History of Yuan, ¨King of Goryeo ask Kublai Khan for conquering Japan. I am building 150 ships and encourage your conquest of Japan.¨[12]

First invasion (1274)

According to the Yuanshi, the Yuan fleet set out with an estimated 15,000 Mongol and Chinese soldiers and 1,600–8,000 Korean soldiers in 300 large vessels and 400–500 smaller craft along with several thousand sailors, although figures vary considerably depending on the source and many modern historians consider the numbers exaggerated.[13] They landed on Komodahama beach on Tsushima Island on October 5, 1274. Sukekuni, governor of Tsushima, led a cavalry unit of 80 to defend the island, but he and his outnumbered unit were killed in the engagement.

The Mongols and Koreans subsequently invaded Iki. Tairano Takakage, the Governor of Iki, fought the invaders with about 100 of his cavalrymen, but he killed himself after his unit was defeated.

The Mongol forces landed on November 19 in Hakata Bay, a short distance from Dazaifu, the ancient administrative capital of Kyūshū. The following day brought the Battle of Bun'ei (文永の役), also known as the "First Battle of Hakata Bay". The Japanese coalition force opposing them included 120 armed samurai each with a warband and likely numbered between 3,000 and 6,000 strong.[14] Later accounts have both sides believing themselves to be drastically outnumbered by the enemy; the Yuanshi provides an estimate of 102,000 for the Japanese force, while the Japanese Hachiman Gudokun describes the invaders as outnumbering the Japanese 10 to 1.[15] Conlan argues that the Yuanshi's account of the battle suggests that both the Japanese and Yuan forces were of similar size. Conlan estimated that both armies numbered around 3,000 each (not including the Yuan sailors).[16]

The Japanese were inexperienced in managing such a large force (all of North Kyūshū had been mobilized), and the Mongols made significant initial progress. It had been approximately 50 years since the last major combat event in Japan (Go-Toba's adherents in 1221), leaving not a single Japanese general with adequate experience in moving large bodies of troops. In addition, the style of warfare that was customary within feudal Japan involved single combat, even on large battlefields.

The Mongols possessed foreign weapons which included superior long-range armaments (the short composite bows that the Mongols were famous for, with poisoned arrows, fire arrows, bow-launched arrows with small rocket engines attached and gunpowder-packed exploding arrows and grenades with ceramic shells thrown by slings to terrify the enemy's horses), and easily had the upper hand in open land combat. The Japanese force at Hakata Bay needed time to await the arrival of reinforcements, with which they would be able to overwhelm the Mongol invaders.

Around nightfall, the Mongol ship captains suggested that the land force reembark in order to avoid the risk of being marooned on Japanese soil. Hong Dagu, the commander of the exhausted Mongolian army, further decided in a military meeting for withdrawal from Japan. For the ships at that time the navigation to north, i.e. from Hakata to Korea's south-eastern shores, was risky, if not in daytime and under south wind. However, they pressed ahead the retreating action in night and met a stormy wind. Some accounts offer casualty reports that suggest 200 Mongol ships were lost. However, small Japanese boats were much more swift and maneuverable than Mongol ships, and the Japanese were able to board the remaining ships of the crippled Mongol army. The samurai approached and boarded the ships under cover of darkness and fell on the invaders ferociously. In the small confines of the ships, during the predawn darkness, the Mongols (trained as cavalrymen and horse archers) were unable to bring their bows to bear effectively. However, the long, thin Japanese swords got stuck and snapped off in the thick, boiled leather armor of the Mongols, causing Japanese blacksmiths to reevaluate their swords after the first invasion. This led to the beginning of the divergence of the katana from existing tachi swords in the 13th and 14th century.[17]

A story widely known in Japan is that back in Kamakura, Tokimune was overcome with fear when the invasion finally came, and wanting to overcome his cowardice, he asked Mugaku Sogen, his Zen master also known as Bukko, for advice. Bukko replied he had to sit in meditation to find the source of his cowardice in himself. Tokimune went to Bukko and said, "Finally there is the greatest happening of my life." Bukko asked, "How do you plan to face it?" Tokimune screamed, "Katsu!" ("Victory!") as if he wanted to scare all the enemies in front of him. Bukko responded with satisfaction, "It is true that the son of a lion roars as a lion!"[18] Since that time, Tokimune was instrumental in spreading Zen and Bushido in Japan among the samurai.

Main battles of Battle of Bun'ei

Battle of Tsushima Island – Mongol victory

On October 5, About 1,000 soldiers of the Mongolian Army landed at Komoda Beach.[19] Sō Sukekuni (宗助国), Shugodai of Tsushima Island was killed in action. The Mongolians slaughtered many dwellers of Tsushima island.[20]

Battle of Iki Island – Mongol victory

On October 14, Taira no Kagetaka, Shugodai of Iki led about 100 soldiers. They were defeated by the Mongolian army and he committed suicide in Hizume Castle (樋詰城).[21] About 1,000 Japanese soldiers were killed there.

Battle of Hirado Island, Taka Island and Nokono Island – Mongol victory

On October 16 to 17, the Mongolian army attacked the base of the Sashi clan. Hundreds of Japanese soldiers and Sashi Fusashi, Sashi Tomaru (佐志留) and Sashi Isamu (佐志勇) were killed.[22]

Battle of Akasaka – Japanese victory

The Mongolian Army landed on Sawara District and encamped at Akasaka.[23] On seeing this situation, Kikuchi Takefusa surprised the Mongolian army. The Mongolians escaped to Sohara, after losing about 100 soldiers.[23]

Battle of Torikai-Gata – Japanese victory

Thousands of Mongolian soldiers were massed in Torikai-Gata. Takezaki Suenaga (竹崎季長), one of the Japanese commanders, attacked the Mongolian army and fought them. Soon, reinforcements led by Shiraishi Michiyasu arrived and defeated the Mongolians soundly. The Mongolian casualties of this battle were about 3,500.[24]

Withdrawal of Mongol army

Due to the defeat in battle of Torikai-Gata, the Mongolian army was exhausted and withdrew to their ships. On seeing this situation, the Japanese army engaged in night attacks and killed many soldiers. Finally, Hong Dagu decided to withdraw to the Yuan-held continent. In the midst of withdrawal, they met a stormy wind, most of their ships sank and many soldiers drowned.[25]

Second invasion preparations

Starting in 1274, the shogunate increased efforts to defend against the second invasion, which they thought was sure to come. In addition to better organizing the samurai of Kyūshū, they ordered the construction of forts and a large stone wall (石塁, Sekirui), and other defensive structures at many potential landing points, including Hakata Bay, where a two-meter-high (6.6 ft) high wall was constructed in 1276.[26]

Religious services increased and the Hakozaki Shrine, having been destroyed by the Yuan forces, was rebuilt. A coastal watch was instituted and rewards were given to some 120 valiant samurai. There was even a plan for a raid on Goryeo (modern-day Korea) to be carried out by Shōni Tsunesuke, a general from Kyūshū, though this was never executed.

After the failed invasion, Kublai Khan was tired of being ignored and not being allowed to land, so five Yuan emissaries were dispatched in September 1275 and sent to Kyūshū, refusing to leave without a reply. Tokimune responded by having them sent to Kamakura and then beheading them.[27] The graves of those five executed Yuan emissaries exist to this day at Jōryū Temple in Fujisawa, Kanagawa, near the Tatsunokuchi Execution Place in Kamakura.[28] Then again on July 29, 1279, five more Yuan emissaries were sent in the same manner, and again beheaded, this time in Hakata. Expecting another invasion, on Feb 21, 1280, the Imperial Court ordered all temples and shrines to pray for victory over the Yuan.

Second invasion (1281)

In the spring of 1281, the Mongols sent two separate forces. Per the Yuanshi, an impressive force of 900 ships containing 17,000 sailors, 10,000 Korean soldiers, and 15,000 Mongols and Chinese set out from Masan, Korea, while an even larger force of 100,000 sailed from southern China in 3,500 ships, for a combined force of 142,000 soldiers and sailors. Japanese sources also mention 150,000 men in the invading force.[16] Many modern historians believe these to be exaggerated figures, as were common in medieval chronicles. Professor Thomas Conlan states that they were likely exaggerated by an order of magnitude (implying 14,000 soldiers and sailors), expressing skepticism that a medieval kingdom managed an invasion on the scale of D-Day during World War II across over ten times the distance, and questions if even 10,000 soldiers attacked Japan in 1281.[16] Morris Rossabbi states that Conlan was correct in his assertion that the invasion force was much smaller than traditionally believed, but argues that the expenditures lavished on the mission confirm that the fighting force was sizable and much larger than 10,000 soldiers and 4,000 sailors. He puts forward the alternative figure of 70,000 soldiers and sailors, half of what is spoken of in the Yuanshi and later Japanese claims.[29] Turnbull thinks that 140,000+ is an exaggeration, but does not offer his own precise estimate for the size of the army. Rather, he only states that given the contributions of the Southern Song, the second invasion should have been around three times larger than the first. As he earlier listed the common figure of 23,000 for the first invasion uncritically, unlike the estimate of 140,000+ for the second, that would imply an invasion force of ~70,000, on par with Rossabbi's estimate.[30]

The Mongols' plan called for an overwhelming coordinated attack by the combined imperial Yuan fleets. The Chinese fleet of the Yuan was delayed by difficulties in provisioning and manning the large number of ships they had.[31] The Mongol fleet set sail, suffered heavy losses at Tsushima, and turned back. In the summer, the fleet took Iki-shima and moved on to Kyūshū, landing at several different locations. In a number of individual skirmishes, known collectively as the Kōan Campaign (弘安の役) or the "Second Battle of Hakata Bay", the Mongol forces were driven back to their ships. The Japanese army was heavily outnumbered, but had fortified the coastal line with two-meter high walls, and was easily able to repulse the auxiliaries that were launched against it. Beginning August 15, the now-famous kamikaze, a massive typhoon, assaulted the shores of Kyūshū for two days straight, and destroyed much of the Mongol fleet.[31] Sensing the oncoming typhoon, Korean and south Chinese mariners retreated and unsuccessfully docked in Imari Bay where they were destroyed by the storm.[32]

Furthermore, it is now believed that the destruction of the Mongol fleet was greatly facilitated by an additional factor. Most of the invasion force was composed of hastily acquired flat-bottomed Chinese riverboats and ships built in Goryeo and all of a similar type. According to Goryeosa, Southern Song-type ships were too costly and their construction was too slow, so the traditional types were constructed instead.[33] Such ships (unlike ocean-going ships, which have a curved keel to prevent capsizing) were difficult to use on high seas, let alone during a massive typhoon.

Main battles of the Kōan Campaign

Battle of Tsushima Island – Japanese victory

On May 21, the Mongolian Army landed on Tsushima island and invaded. They met fierce resistance there and later withdrew.[34]

Battle of Shikano Island – Japanese victory

On June 3, the Mongolians attempted a landing on Shikano island, but were unable to make significant advances. By June 6, Mongolian forces had control of most of the island, but on the morning of June 8, the Japanese army divided their force into two and attacked along Umi no Nakamichi.[35] The Japanese army lost 300 soldiers but defeated Hong Dagu, who nearly died in this battle, and Zhang Cheng.[36]

On June 9 Zhang Cheng solidified the defense of his army but the Mongolian army was again defeated by the fierce Japanese attacks.[37] After this defeat the Mongolian army escaped to Iki Island.[37]

Battle of Iki Island – Japanese victory

On June 29, a Japanese army of approximately 10,000, led by the Matsura clan, Ryūzōji clan and Takagi clan began an all-out attack on Iki Island.[38] On July 2, Ryōzōji Iekiyo landed on Setoura beach and defeated the Mongolian army. As a result, the Mongolian army abandoned Iki Island and withdrew to Hirado Island.[39]

Battle of Mikuriya – annihilation of Mongol navy

On July 5, Takezaki Suenaga attacked and annihilated the Mongolian Navy.[40] After this battle, most of the commanders of the Mongolian army escaped to their own country.[41][42]

Battle of Taka Island – annihilation of Mongol army

On July 7, there were about 100,000 soldiers of the Mongol army without commanders.[42][43][44][45] Upon realizing this situation, the Japanese army launched an attack. Togo Korechika, Togo Koretoo, Fujiwara Sukekado and Shimazu Nagahisa annihilated the remaining Mongolian army and took 20,000 to 30,000 prisoners in this battle.[42] At the completion of this battle, Japan's victory was confirmed.

Military significance

From a military perspective, the failed invasions of Kublai Khan were the first of only three instances when the samurai fought foreign troops rather than amongst themselves; the others being Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–98) and the Japanese invasion of Ryukyu (1609). It is also the first time samurai clans fought for the sake of Japan itself instead of for more narrowly defined clan interests. The invasions also exposed the Japanese to an alien fighting style which, lacking the single combat that characterized traditional samurai combat, they saw as inferior. This difference is noted in the Hachiman Gudōkun:

According to our manner of fighting we must first call out by name someone from the enemy ranks, and then attack in single combat. But the Mongols took no notice at all of such conventions. They rushed forward all together in a mass, grappling with any individuals they could catch and killing them.[46]

The Mongol method of advances and withdrawals accompanied by bells, drums and war cries was also unknown in Japan, as was the technique of Mongolian archers, which involved shooting arrows en masse into the air rather than long-ranged one-on-one combat. The Zen Buddhism of Hojo Tokimune and his Zen master Bukko had gained credibility beyond national boundaries, and the first mass followings of Zen teachings among samurai began to flourish.

The Mongol invasions of Japan facilitated a change in the designs of Japanese swords. Thin tachi and chokuto style blades were often unable to cut through the boiled leather armor of the Mongols, with the blades often chipping or breaking off.[47] Tachi blades were shortened and thickened, with the katana eventually being introduced as a result.

The failed invasions also mark the first use of the word kamikaze ("Divine Wind"). The fact that the typhoon that helped Japan defeat the Mongol Navy in the first invasion occurred in late November, well after the normal Pacific typhoon season (May to October), perpetuated the Japanese belief that they would never be defeated or successfully invaded, which remained an important aspect of Japanese foreign policy until the very end of World War II. The failed invasions also demonstrated a weakness of the Mongols – the inability to mount naval invasions successfully[48] (see also Mongol invasions of Vietnam.) After the death of Kublai, his successor, Temür Khan, unsuccessfully demanded the submission of Japan in 1295.

The Mongols and the Ashikaga shogunate of Japan made peace in the late 14th century during the reign of Toghon Temür, the last Yuan emperor in Khanbaliq. Long before the peace agreement, there was stable trade in East Asia under the dominance of the Mongols and Japan.

As a consequence of the destruction of the Mongol fleets, Japan's independence was guaranteed. Simultaneously, a power struggle within Japan led to the dominance of military governments and diminishing Imperial power.[49]

Technological significance

The Mongol invasions are an early example of gunpowder warfare. One of the most notable technological innovations during the war was the use of explosive bombs.[6] The bombs are known in Chinese as "thunder crash bombs" and were fired from catapults, inflicting damage on enemy soldiers. An illustration of a bomb is depicted in the Japanese Mongol Invasion scrolls, but Thomas Conlan has shown that the illustration of the projectiles was added to the scrolls in the eighteenth century and should not be considered to be an eyewitness representation of their use.[50] Archaeological evidence of the use of gunpowder was finally confirmed when multiple shells of the explosive bombs were discovered in an underwater shipwreck off the shore of Japan by the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology. X-rays by Japanese scientists of the excavated shells provided proof that they contained gunpowder.[51]

See also


  1. Conlan, p. 261-263; cites a variety of estimate from various Japanese historians as well as the author's own.
  2. 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「以蒙漢軍二萬五千、我軍(高麗軍)八千、梢工引海水手六千七百、戦艦九百餘艘、留合浦、以待女眞軍、女眞後期、乃發船。」
  3. 『高麗史』巻二十八 世家二十八 忠烈王一 元宗十五年(十一月)己亥(二十七日)「己亥、東征師還合浦、遣同知樞密院事張鎰勞之。軍不還者無慮萬三千五百餘人。」
  4. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王七年閏(八)月条「是月、忻都茶丘范文虎等還元、官軍不返者、無慮十萬有幾。」
  5. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「(至元十八年)官軍六月入海、七月至平壷島(平戸島)、移五龍山(鷹島?)、八月一日、風破舟、五日、文虎等諸將各自擇堅好船乘之、棄士卒十餘萬于山下、衆議推張百戸者爲主帥、號之曰張總管、聽其約束、方伐木作舟欲還、七日日本人來戰、盡死、餘二三萬爲其虜去、九日、至八角島、盡殺蒙古、高麗、漢人、謂新附軍爲唐人、不殺而奴之、閶輩是也、蓋行省官議事不相下、故皆棄軍歸、久之、莫靑與呉萬五者亦逃還、十萬之衆得還者三人耳。」
  6. Stephen Turnbull (19 February 2013). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey Publishing. pp. 41–42. ISBN 978-1-4728-0045-9. Retrieved 16 April 2013.
  7. The conquest of Ainu lands: ecology and culture in Japanese expansion, 1590–1800 By Brett L. Walker, p.133
  8. Nakamura, Kazuyuki (2010). "Kita kara no mōko shūrai wo meguru shōmondai" 「北からの蒙古襲来」をめぐる諸問題 [Several questions around "the Mongol attack from the north"]. In Kikuchi, Toshihiko (ed.). Hokutō Ajia no rekishi to bunka 北東アジアの歴史と文化 [A history and cultures of Northeast Asia] (in Japanese). Hokkaido University Press. p. 428. ISBN 9784832967342.
  9. Original text in Chinese: 上天眷命大蒙古國皇帝奉書日本國王朕惟自古小國之君境土相接尚務講信修睦況我祖宗受天明命奄有區夏遐方異域畏威懷德者不可悉數朕即位之初以高麗無辜之民久瘁鋒鏑即令罷兵還其疆域反其旄倪高麗君臣感戴來朝義雖君臣歡若父子計王之君臣亦已知之高麗朕之東藩也日本密邇高麗開國以來亦時通中國至於朕躬而無一乘之使以通和好尚恐王國知之未審故特遣使持書布告朕志冀自今以往通問結好以相親睦且聖人以四海為家不相通好豈一家之理哉以至用兵夫孰所好王其圖之不宣至元三年八月日
  10. Smith, Bradley Japan: A History in Art 1979 p.107
  11. Goryeosa 『高麗史』世家巻第二十七 元宗十三年 三月己亥(March 11, 1272) 「惟彼日本 未蒙聖化。 故發詔使 繼糴軍容 戰艦兵糧 方在所須。儻以此事委臣 庶幾勉盡心力 小助王師」
  12. History of Yuan 『元史』 卷十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元十九年七月壬戌(August 9, 1282)「高麗国王請、自造船百五十艘、助征日本。」
  13. Turnbull, p. 41
  14. Turnbull 2013: "About 120 armed samurai received rewards for their participation in 1275... If the average warband was 50-strong then the Japanese defenders may have been about 6,000. Other non-rewarded samurai took part, some with as few as one follower, so perhaps a figure between 3,000 and 6,000 is most likely for 1274."
  15. Turnbull 2013, p. 42: "For partial justification of their defeat in 1274, the number of Japanese warriors ranged against the invaders is given in the Yuan Shi as the very unlikely figure of 102,000 ... Hachiman Gudokun, by contrast, sees the brave Japanese as being outnumbered by the Mongols by a factor of ten to one."
  16. Conlan, p. 264
  17. Sato 105
  18. Jonathan Clements (7 February 2013). A Brief History of the Samurai. Little, Brown Book Group. p. 93. ISBN 978-1-4721-0772-5.
  19. 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十一年十月五日卯時に、對馬國府八幡宮假御殿の内より、火焔おひたゝしく、もえいつ、國府在家の人々、焼亡出来しよと見るに、もゆへき物もなきを、怪しみけるほとに、同日申時に、對馬の西おもて、佐須浦に、異國船見ゆ、」(1ウ)其数四五百艘はかりに、凡三四萬人もやあらんと、見るはかり寄来る、同日酉時、國府の地頭につく、即地頭宗馬允資國、八十餘騎、同日丑時、彼浦にゆきつく、翌日卯時、通人真継男を使者として、蒙古人に、事のしさいを尋る処に、散々に舟よりいる、大船七八艘より、あさち原へ、おりたつ勢、一千人もあらんと見ゆ、其時、宗馬允、陣をとりて戦ふ、いはなつ矢に異國人、数しらす、いとらる、此中に大将軍と、おほし」(2オ)き者四人、あし毛なる馬にのりて、一はんに、かけむかふ者、宗馬弥二郎に右の乳の上を、いられて、馬よりおつ、此時、馬允に射倒さるゝ者、四人、宗馬允かく戦ふといへとも、終にうたれぬ、同子息宗馬次郎、養子弥二郎、同八郎親頼、刑部丞郎等に三郎、庄太郎、入道源八、在廰左近馬允手人、肥後國御家人、口井藤三、源三郎、已上十二人、同時に討死す、蒙古、佐須浦に火をつけて、焼拂ふよし、宗馬允か郎等、小太郎、兵衛次郎」(2ウ)博多にわたりて告しらす、」
  20. 『高麗史』 巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「入對馬島、撃殺甚衆」
  21. 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十四日申時に壱岐嶋の西おもてに蒙古の兵船つく、其中に二艘より四百人はかりおりて、赤旗をさして東の方を三度、敵の方を三度拜す、其時、守護代平内左衛門尉景隆并御家人百餘騎、庄三郎か城の前にて矢合す、蒙古人か矢は、二時はかりいる間に守護代か方にも二人手負、異敵は大勢なり、終に叶ふへくもなかりけれは、城のうちへ引退て合戦す、同十五日に、攻めおとされ」(3オ)て城の内にて自害す、」
  22. 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十六□(日カ)、十七日の間、平戸、能古、鷹嶋の男女多く捕らる、松浦黨敗す。」
  23. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞四「たけふさ(武房)にけうと(凶徒)あかさか(赤坂)のちん(陣)をか(駆)けお(落)とされて、ふたて(二手)になりて、おほせい(大勢)はすそはら(麁原)にむ(向)きてひ(退)く。こせい(小勢)はへふ(別府)のつかハら(塚原)へひ(退)く、」
  24. 『高麗史』 巻八十七 表巻第二「十月、金方慶與元元帥忽敦洪茶丘等征日本、至壹岐戰敗、軍不還者萬三千五百餘人」
  25. 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「諸軍與戰、及暮乃解、方慶謂忽敦茶丘曰、『兵法千里縣軍、其鋒不可當、我師雖少、已入敵境、人自爲戰、即孟明焚船淮陰背水也、請復戰』、忽敦曰、『兵法小敵之堅、大敵之擒、策疲乏之兵、敵日滋之衆、非完計也、不若回軍』復亨中流矢、先登舟、遂引兵還、會夜大風雨(met a stromy wind at that night)、戰艦觸岩多敗、?堕水死、到合浦、」
  26. 福岡市教育委員会 (1969). "福岡市今津元寇防塁発掘調査概報". Comprehensive Database of Archaeological Site Reports in Japan. Retrieved 2016-09-02.
  27. Reed, Edward J. (1881). Japan: its History, Traditions, and Religions, p. 291., p. 291, at Google Books
  28. "常立寺". Archived from the original on 12 August 2017. Retrieved 30 April 2018.
  29. Rossabi, Morris. "Khubilai Khan: His Life and Times." 1988. Page xiii.
  30. Turbull 2013, p. 57
  31. Winters, Harold et al. (2001). Battling the Elements, p. 14., p. 14, at Google Books
  32. Emanuel, Kerry; Emanuel, Professor Department of Earth Atmospheric and Planetary Sciences Program in Atmospheres Oceans and Climate Kerry (1 September 2005). "Divine Wind: The History and Science of Hurricanes". Oxford University Press, USA. Retrieved 30 April 2018 via Google Books.
  33. Goryeosa 『高麗史』 列伝巻十七 「若依蛮様則工費多将不及期」「用本國船様督造」 Archived 2009-02-12 at the Wayback Machine
  34. 『高麗史』 巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「方慶與忻都茶丘朴球金周鼎等發、至日本世界村大明浦」
  35. 『高麗史節要』巻二十 十四葉 忠烈王七年六月壬申(八日)「六月壬申(八日)、金方慶金周鼎e朴球朴之亮荊萬戸等、與日本兵力戰、斬首三百餘級、官軍潰、茶丘乗馬走、王萬戸復横撃之、斬五十餘級、日本兵之退、茶丘僅免、翼日復戰敗績、」
  36. 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「六月、方慶周鼎球之亮荊萬戸等、與日本兵合戰、斬三百餘級、日本兵突進、官軍潰、茶丘棄馬走、王萬戸復横撃之、斬五十餘級、日本兵之退、茶丘僅免、翼日復戰敗績、」
  37. 『元敦武校尉管軍上百戸張成墓碑銘』「(至元)十八年、樞密院檄君、仍管新附□□(軍百?)率所統、?千戸岳公琇、往征倭、四月□(發?)合浦登海州、以六月六日至倭之志賀島、夜将半、賊兵□□來襲、君與所部據艦戦、至暁、賊船廻退、八日、賊遵陸復來、君率纏弓弩、先登岸迎敵、奪占其□要、賊弗能前、日?、賊軍復集、又返敗之、明日、倭大會兵來戦、君統所部、入陣奮戦、賊不能□(支?)殺傷過□(當?)賊敗去。」
  38. 『歴代鎮西要略』
  39. 『元史』巻一百五十四 列傳第四十一 洪福源・附洪俊奇「十七年、授龍虎衞上將軍、征東行省右丞、十八年、與右丞欣都、將舟師四萬、由高麗金州合浦以進、時右丞范文虎等、將兵十萬、由慶元、定海等処渡海、期至日本一岐、平戸等島合兵登岸、兵未交、秋八月、風壞舟而還。」
  40. 『肥前武雄神社文書』黒尾社大宮司藤原経門申状「肥前国御家人黒尾社大宮司藤原資門謹言上 欲早且依合戦忠節、且任傍例、預勲功賞去弘安四年遺賊合戦事、 右、遺賊襲来之時、於千崎息乗移于賊船、資門乍被疵、生虜一人分取一人了、将又攻上鷹嶋棟原、致合戦忠之刻、生慮二人了、此等子細、於鎮西談議所、被経其沙汰、相尋証人等、被注進之処、相漏平均恩賞之条、愁吟之至、何事如之哉、且如傍例者、到越訴之輩、面々蒙其賞了、且資門自身被疵之条、宰府注進分明也、争可相漏平均軍賞哉、如承及者、防戦警固之輩、皆以蒙軍賞了、何自身手負資門不預忠賞、空送年月之条、尤可有御哀憐哉、所詮於所々戦場、或自身被疵、或分取生慮之条、証人等状?宰府注進分明之上者、依合戦忠節、任傍例欲預平均軍賞、仍恐々言上如件、 永仁四年八月 日」
  41. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王八年六月己丑(一日)の条「蠻軍?把沈聰等六人、自白本逃來言、本明州人、至元十八年六月十八日、従葛剌歹萬戸上船至日本、値悪風船敗、衆軍十三四萬、同栖一山、十月初八日、日本軍至、我軍飢不能戰、皆降日本、擇留工匠及知田者、餘皆殺之、王遣上將軍印侯郎將柳庇、押聰等送干元。/(八月)甲午(九日)、蠻軍五人、自日本逃來」
  42. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「(至元十八年)官軍六月入海、七月至平壷島(平戸島)、移五龍山(鷹島か)、八月一日、風破舟、五日、文虎等諸將各自擇堅好船乘之、棄士卒十餘萬于山下、衆議推張百戸者爲主帥、號之曰張總管、聽其約束、方伐木作舟欲還、七日日本人來戰、盡死、餘二三萬爲其虜去、九日、至八角島、盡殺蒙古、高麗、漢人、謂新附軍爲唐人、不殺而奴之、?輩是也、蓋行省官議事不相下、故皆棄軍歸、久之、莫靑與呉萬五者亦逃還、十萬之衆得還者三人耳。」
  43. 『薩摩比志島文書』比志島時範軍忠状案「次月七月七日鷹嶋合戦之時、自陸地馳向事、爰時範依合戦之忠勤、爲預御裁許、粗言上如件、 弘安五年二月 日」
  44. 『薩摩比志島文書』島津長久證状「同閏七月七日鷹嶋合戦之時、五郎次郎自陸地馳向候之条、令見知候了、若此條僞申候者、日本國中大少神罸可罷蒙長久之身候、恐惶謹言、 弘安五年四月十五日 大炊助長久」
  45. 『江上系図』「西牟田彌次郎永家。弘安四年。大元大將督六万艘十万人。寇鎭西。此時永家戰于松浦之鷹島抽功。於是爲之賞。肥前國神崎郡中數箇。」
  46. Turnbull, Stephen R. (2003). Genghis Khan and the Mongol Conquests 1190–1400, p. 19., p. 19, at Google Books
  47. Satō, Kanzan. Kodansha International. 1983. Page 104
  48. "The Mongols in World History | Asia Topics in World History". Archived from the original on 2007-09-27. Retrieved 2018-04-05.
  49. Davis, Paul K. (2001). 100 decisive battles: from ancient times to the present, p. 146., p. 146, at Google Books
  50. Conlan, Thomas. "Myth, Memory and the Scrolls of the Mongol Invasions of Japan". in Lillehoj, Elizabeth ed. Archaism and Antiquarianism in Korean and Japanese Art (Chicago: Center for the Art of East Asia, University of Chicago and Art Media Resources, 2013), pp. 54-73.
  51. Delgado, James (February 2003). "Relics of the Kamikaze". Archaeology. Archaeological Institute of America. 56 (1). Archived from the original on 2013-12-29.


  • Satō, Kanzan (1983) The Japanese Sword. Kodansha International. ISBN 9780870115622

Further reading

  • Conlan, Thomas. (2001). In Little Need of Divine Intervention, Cornell University Press, 2001 – includes a black-and-white reproduction of the Mōko Shūrai Ekotoba, as well as translations of relevant Kamakura-era documents and an essay by Prof. Conlan concerning the Invasions (in which he argues that the Japanese were better placed to withstand the Mongols than traditionally given credit for). The essay is available in pdf form at this link.
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