Malaysian Chinese Association

The Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA; simplified Chinese: 马来西亚华人公会; traditional Chinese: 馬來西亞華人公會; pinyin: Mǎláixīyà Huárén Gōnghuì; Jyutping: maa5 loi4 sai1 aa3 waa4 jan4 gung1 wui2; Malay: Persatuan Cina Malaysia; formerly known as Malayan Chinese Association) is a uni-racial political party in Malaysia that seeks to represents the Malaysian Chinese ethnicity; it is one of the three major component parties of the opposition coalition in Malaysia called the Barisan Nasional (BN) in Malay, or National Front in English.

Malaysian Chinese Association
Chinese name马来西亚华人公会 Mǎláixīyà huárén gōnghuì
Malay namePersatuan Cina Malaysia
PresidentWee Ka Siong
Secretary-GeneralChong Sin Woon
Deputy PresidentMah Hang Soon
Vice-PresidentLim Ban Hong
Tan Teik Cheng
Ti Lian Ker
Yew Teong Look
Women ChiefHeng Seai Kie
Youth ChiefNicole Wong Siaw Ting
FounderTan Cheng Lock
Founded27 February 1949
Preceded byMalayan Chinese Association
Headquarters8th Floor, Wisma MCA, 163, Jalan Ampang, 50450 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
NewspaperThe Star
Nanyang Siang Pau
Youth wingMCA Youth Section
Women's wingWanita MCA
Membershipmostly Malaysian Chinese (also including mixed-Chinese subgroups such as Peranakan and Sino-Native in Sabah)
IdeologyMalaysian Chinese interests
Social conservatism
Chinese nationalism (historical)
Tridemism (historical)
Political positionCentre-right[1]
National affiliationAlliance (1952–73)
Barisan Nasional (1973–)
Colours     Blue and yellow
AnthemMa Hua Dang Ge
Dewan Negara:
4 / 70
Dewan Rakyat:
2 / 222
Dewan Undangan Negeri:
2 / 587
Party flag

Along with the largest and third largest component party in BN, i.e. United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), MCA has a significant influence over the political arena in Malaysia since its independence. Through its holding of companies such as Huaren Holdings, MCA controls The Star, which is Malaysia's best-selling English newspaper.[2][3]

The party was once the largest party representing the Chinese community in Malaysia, and was particularly dominant in the early period until the late 1960s. Its fortunes fluctuated after the establishment of other political parties in the 1960s that challenged it for the Chinese votes, although it still enjoyed strong support in the mid-1990s to mid-2000s period. However, it has performed poorly in elections since 2008, with the Malaysian Chinese community mostly voting for the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and People’s Justice Party (PKR),[4] and they lost all but one of their parliamentary seats in the 2018 Malaysian general election.[5]


This article is part of a series on the
politics and government of
Malaysia portal

Formation and early years

The Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) was formed on 27 February 1949 with the implicit support by the post-World War II British colonial administration. A central purpose of the MCA at the time of its founding was to manage the specific social and welfare concerns of the populations interned in the so-called New Villages created under the Briggs' Plan in response to the Malayan Emergency.[6][7]

The declaration that announced the MCA as a formal political party in 1951 was written by a prominent Straits Chinese businessman, Tan Cheng Lock, its first president. In general, its early members were landowners, businessmen, or otherwise better off, while the working classes in the New Villages overwhelmingly joined the Socialist Front instead.[8] Many prominent members of the MCA were also Kuomintang (KMT) members opposed to the Malayan Communist Party. Leong Yew Koh, was a KMT major general who became a cabinet minister and later became governor of Malacca; Malaysia's first minister of finance, Henry H.S. Lee, was a KMT colonel; and Lim Chong Eu, the leader of the Radical Party, and joined the MCA in 1952, was a colonel (medical) doctor in the Kuomintang.[9]

In 1952, MCA joined force with United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) on a local level to contest the Kuala Lumpur municipal elections which would lead to the formation of the Alliance Party. The alliance was joined by Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) in 1954 and they contested the first Malayan General Election in 1955 as one body, and the alliance won 51 of the 52 seat contested.[10] MCA won all 15 of the seats allocated.[11]

Tan Cheng Lock was succeeded by Lim Chong Eu after a successful challenge by Lim for the presidency in 1958. Lim attempted to amend the party's Constitution to consolidate the power of the Central Committee, and although amendment was passed narrowly, it also split the party.[12] Prior to the 1959 General Election, Lim pressed for an increase of the allocated number of seats from 28 to 40, but this was refused by UMNO leader Tunku Abdul Rahman. Lim was forced to back down and later resigned as president, with Cheah Toon Lock taking over as acting president. Other members also resigned from MCA to contest the election as independent candidates, which cost the party some seats.[13][14] The party only won 19 of the 31 seats eventually allocated.[15] Lim himself left the party in December 1960, later becoming one of the founding members of the opposition Gerakan in 1968. In 1961 Tan Siew Sin, son of Tan Cheng Lock and favoured by Tunku, became MCA's third President.[16] Tan led the party to a firm victory in the 1964 General Election, winning 27 of the 33 parliamentary seats contested.[17] In 1969, Tan established Tunku Abdul Rahman College after a proposal for a Chinese-language university was turned down by the government.[18]

May 1969–1985

The third Malaysian general elections were held on 10 May 1969. MCA faced strong challenges from the new, mainly Chinese, opposition parties Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Gerakan. Of the 33 parliamentary seats contested, MCA managed to retain only 13. MCA also lost control of the Penang State Government to Gerakan. The gain by the opposition parties led to tension between different communities which erupted into the May 13 Riots. Prior to the riots, on 12 May 1969, Tan Siew Sin announced that the party would withdraw from the Alliance, but reconsidered on 20 May and joined the National Operations Council formed in place of the suspended Parliament after the riots.[19] The loss of support for MCA among the Chinese population elicited a comment by the then Deputy Prime Minister Dr Ismail that if MCA continue to lose support, UMNO may stop co-operating with it.[20] To regain Chinese support, Tan attempted to broaden the appeal of the party previously seen as a party of the taukeh (tou jia, rich men), and invited professionals to join the party.[20] However, many of these were expelled after a dispute involving Lim Keng Yaik who then joined Gerakan.[20][21]

With the loss of support for MCA in the 1969 election, and the enlargement of the Alliance party in 1972 (which later became Barisan Nasional) to include Gerakan, UMNO became even more dominant and MCA suffered a loss of status within the coalition.[22] In 1973, Tan Siew Sin requested a position as Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet reshuffle following the death of Tun Dr. Ismail, but this was refused by Tun Abdul Razak, which angered Tan.[23] On 8 April 1974, prior to the general election, Tan Siew Sin resigned all of his party and government posts for health reasons.

Lee San Choon took over as Acting President following Tan's resignation, and was then elected President in 1975. After Tan's resignation, the cabinet posts allocated to MCA declined in importance, and MCA lost both the Finance Ministry and Trade and Industry Ministry posts it once held in 1957.[24] The party performed better in the 1974 election, but lost ground again in the following 1978 general election, with the MCA winning only 17 of the 28 parliamentary seats and 44 of the 60 state seats. In 1979, Michael Chen stood against Lee San Choon for the MCA Presidency but lost, and later in 1981 led a group of MCA dissidents to join Gerakan.[25]

The 1982 general election however saw a shift in fortune for MCA. Lee accepted a challenge from the opposition Democratic Action Party which taunted the MCA's leadership for not daring to contest a seat with large urban Chinese majority, and contested the parliamentary seat for Seremban against the incumbent DAP Chairman Chen Man Hin. Lee won his challenge, and led his party to a resounding victory, winning 24 out of 28 allocated parliamentary seats and 55 out of 62 state seats.[26][27] After the success in the election and at the height of his career, Lee San Choon unexpectedly resigned his presidency and cabinet post for unspecified reason in 1983.[28] Neo Yee Pan then led as Acting President until 1985.


In 1985, Tan Koon Swan, who was sacked from the party a year earlier, won the presidential election with the largest majority in the party's history.[29][30] However, in the following year, he was charged with abetting criminal breach of trust relating to his private business dealings in Singapore, and resigned from the presidency.[31] Koon Swan also originated the Deposit-Taking Cooperatives (DTCs), which sought to accumulate capital for Chinese Malaysians through investments. The mismanagement of the DTCs' funds led to a scandal, with the central bank, Bank Negara Malaysia, stepping in to freeze the assets of up to 35 DTCs. The total loss was estimated to be RM3.6 billion, and the depositors only recovered 62% of their deposits.[32]

Koon Swan was succeeded by his deputy Ling Liong Sik in 1986. He assumed the presidency when the party was still rife with factionalism and faced disillusionment with the Chinese community over the Deposit-Taking Cooperatives scandal.[33] Ling spent his early years as president working to resolve MCA's financial problems, raising funds while restructuring the party's assets.[34] Ling presided over a period of relative peace within the party, and worked to maintain the interests of the Chinese community through a closed-door approach within the government.[35] He expanded the MCA-owned Tunku Abdul Rahman College through fund-raising and government contributions, and in 2001 set up Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman.[34][35] Ling led MCA to its best electoral performance thus far in the 1995 general election, winning 30 of the 34 allocated parliamentary seats and 71 of the 77 state seats, and secured a majority of Chinese votes at the expense of DAP.[36][37] MCA also performed well in the 1999 general elections, and the successive electoral victory boosted the party's standing within the Barisan Nasional coalition as well as Ling's personal relationship with BN leader and prime minister Mahathir Mohamad.[34][35]

Internal power however struggles persisted. In 1993 Ling's deputy Lee Kim Sai indicated that he would challenge Ling for the presidency, but withdrew at the eleventh hour.[38] Lee eventually retired in 1996 and was replaced as deputy president by Lim Ah Lek.[39] In 1999, the party was again wracked by factionalism. Deputy president Lim Ah Lek announced his intention to retire as a minister and agreed with Ling to nominate his protégé Chan Kong Choy to the Cabinet after the 1999 elections. However, Ling nominated his own protégé Ong Ka Ting as a minister at the expense of Chan, causing discontent with members aligned to Lim, which became known as "Team B" among party members. The Ling faction was known as "Team A".[35][39] Tensions flared further after MCA, through its holding company Huaren, moved to acquire the independent daily Nanyang Siang Pau. This was vehemently opposed by Team B, fearing a complete control of the Chinese media by Team A. They were joined by Chinese journalists and non-governmental organisations, who made their opposition public through demonstrations.[35] The situation turned farcical when chairs were thrown during the 2001 Youth general assembly over the issue.[40] Huaren eventually succeeded in taking over Nanyang Siang Pau. Huaren also controls The Star and China Press,[41] and the domination of media press caused strong resentments in the divided party, with accusations by factions within MCA as well as outside opponents of editorial interference and claims of a threat to the freedom of the press in the country.[42][43][44]

Mahathir, as BN leader, eventually stepped in to resolve the conflict, suggesting a "peace plan" among the factions. The scheduled 2002 party elections were cancelled, while Ling and Lim stepped down to be replaced by their respective protégés.[35]


In May 2003, the leadership transition occurred as planned. Ong Ka Ting, who was then a vice-president succeeded Ling Liong Sik as president, while Chan Kong Choy succeeded Lim Ah Lek as deputy president. The Ong-led MCA contributed to Barisan Nasional's overwhelming victory in the 2004 general elections. MCA won 31 of the 40 parliamentary seats and 76 of the 90 state seats allocated.[45] During the 2005 party elections, Teams A and B ran on a united front, easily quashing the challenge by vice-president Chua Jui Meng (for president) and secretary-general Ting Chew Peh (for deputy president).[35]

The Ong-Chan leadership continued the soft approach to protecting the Chinese community's interests,[35] although tension with UMNO over racial issues flared up now and again after the 2004 election.[46] In early 2008, vice-president and Health Minister Chua Soi Lek, a prominent Johor member, was involved in a sex scandal. DVDs of Chua having sex with a woman were circulated in Johor, prompting Chua to resign all his political positions, including as Member of Parliament.[47] Chua suggested that his political enemies within the party who might have felt threatened by him for plotting his downfall.[48]

In the March 2008 general elections, MCA fared badly, winning only 15 parliamentary seats and 32 state seats, less than half the number of seats they won in the previous election. Ong decided not to contest the presidency during the party elections later that year, to allow a new leader to take over. The October 2008 party election marked a realignment of the party's factions, with the return of Chua Soi Lek to the fold. Ong Ka Ting's anointed successor was vice-president Ong Tee Keat.[49] Meanwhile, Chua entered the race for deputy president, facing among others, Ong Ka Chuan, the elder brother of Ka Ting. Ong Tee Keat won the presidency comfortably, while Chua edged out Ka Chuan. Following his victory, Tee Keat pledged reform and reaching out to more young voters to revive the party.[50]


After the 2008 leadership change, factional infighting continued and the relationship between the Ong Tee Keat and Chua Soi Lek remained tense. Chua was sidelined by Ong from taking an active role in the party's leadership, and he was also excluded from government posts.[51] He was then sacked by MCA in August 2009 for damaging the party's image with his sex scandal more than a year prior.[52] In response, Chua's supporters forced an extraordinary general meeting (EGM) which passed a vote of no confidence against incumbent president Ong and annulled the expulsion of Chua. The EGM, however, failed to reinstate Chua as deputy president.[53] Ong refused to resign despite the vote of no confidence, but pledged with Chua to set aside their differences under the "greater unity plan."[54] However, this was opposed by vice-president Liow Tiong Lai who demanded Ong step down and that new elections be held.[55] This set in motion a new leadership crisis, which lasted almost six months.

Finally in March 2010, Chua, along with his supporters in the central committee (CC) resigned. Along with the resignations of Liow's supporters in the CC, more than two-thirds of the CC had vacated their seats, paving the way for an election per the party constitution.[56] The subsequent election saw Chua defeating incumbent Ong Tee Keat and former leader Ong Ka Ting in the race for president, while Liow defeated Kong Cho Ha in the contest for deputy president.[57] Chua and his deputy Liow pledged to co-operate, and opened the party to non-Chinese.[58]

MCA's electoral performance meanwhile continued to deteriorate, as in the 2013 General Election, MCA only managed to score only 7 of the 37 parliamentary seats and 11 of the 90 state seats it contested, leading to calls for Chua's resignation.[59] The so-called "Chinese tsunami" where the great majority of Chinese votes went to the opposition was blamed by Najib Razak for the losses of the governing coalition.[60][61] MCA's poor performance in the two elections, along with continued factionalism, raised concerns over the party's relevance in the Malaysian political arena.[62][63] Also as a result of its poor performance, there was no MCA representation in the cabinet for the first time since independence due to a resolution that MCA would not accept cabinet posts if it performed badly in the general election.[64][65]

Chua did not enter the following party poll for president, and in December 2013, Liow Tiong Lai was elected the president of MCA.[66][67] Liow also reversed the resolution not to serve in the government and re-entered the cabinet.

In the 2018 election, MCA suffered its worst ever defeat, as it has lost all state seats it has contested, and only managed to retain one elected representative in the national parliament - Wee Ka Siong, who represents Ayer Hitam constituency in Johor. MCA, as part of the Barisan Nasional coalition, was also relegated to the opposition for the first time since independence. Wee Ka Siong was elected President on 4 November 2018 while Liow decided not to stand for party polls after his defeat.[68][69]

Central Committee Members

Incumbent leadership of MCA was elected by general assembly delegates on 5 November 2018 in the 2018 Malaysian Chinese Association leadership election.[70]

  • President: Wee Ka Siong
  • Deputy President: Mah Hang Soon
  • Secretary-General: Chong Sin Woon
  • 1st Vice-President: Lim Ban Hong
  • 2nd Vice-President: Tan Teik Cheng
  • 3rd Vice-President: Ti Lian Ker
  • 4th Vice-President: Yew Teong Look
  • Youth Chief: Nicole Wong Siaw Ting
  • Women Chief: Heng Seai Kie
  • Treasurer-General: Lee Chee Leong
  • National Organising Secretary: Ling Tian Soon

25 Central Committee Members:

  1. Lee Hong Tee
  2. Low Ah Keong
  3. Koh Nai Kwong
  4. Chew Kok Woh
  5. Pamela Yong
  6. Kang Meng Fuat
  7. Toh Chin Yaw
  8. Ong Chong Swen
  9. Teh Chai Aan
  10. Leaw Kok Chan
  11. Daniel Wa Wai How
  12. Ng Chok Sin
  13. Kok Chin Han
  14. Tan Tuan Peng
  15. Chan Quin Er
  16. Tan Ken Ten
  17. Chua Thiong Gee
  18. Wong Tat Chee
  19. Lau Chin Kok
  20. Chiew Kai Heng
  21. Yap Siok Moy
  22. Ooi Eyan Hian
  23. Ng Fook Heng
  24. Chin Hong Vui
  25. Daniel Ling Sia Chin

Elected representatives

Dewan Negara (Senate)


  1. Chai Kim Sen – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong
  2. Lee Tian Sing – elected by the Malacca State Legislative Assembly
  3. Lim Pay Hen – elected by the Johor State Legislative Assembly
  4. Ti Lian Ker - elected by the Pahang State Legislative Assembly

Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives)

Members of Parliament of the 14th Malaysian Parliament

MCA currently has two MPs in the House of Representatives.

State No. Parliament Constituency Member Party
 JohorP148Ayer HitamWee Ka SiongMCA
P165 Tanjung Piai Wee Jeck Seng MCA
TotalJohor (2)

Dewan Undangan Negeri (State Legislative Assembly)

Malaysian State Assembly Representatives

List of party leaders

President of Malayan Chinese Association

Order Portrait Name Term of office Elected
1 Tan Cheng Lock 27 February 1949 27 March 1958
2 Lim Chong Eu 27 March 1958 July 1959
Cheah Toon Lok July 1959 November 1961 acting
3 Tan Siew Sin November 1961 1963

President of Malaysian Chinese Association

Order Portrait Name Term of office Elected
3 Tan Siew Sin 1963 8 April 1974
Lee San Choon 8 April 1974 August 1975 acting
4 Lee San Choon August 1975 August 1979
August 1979 25 March 1983
Neo Yee Pan March 1983 24 November 1985 acting
5 Tan Koon Swan 24 November 1985 September 1986
6 Ling Liong Sik 3 September 1986 23 May 2003
7 Ong Ka Ting 23 May 2003 18 October 2008
8 Ong Tee Keat 18 October 2008 28 March 2010
9 Chua Soi Lek 28 March 2010 21 December 2013
10 Liow Tiong Lai 21 December 2013 September 2018
11 Wee Ka Siong 4 November 2018 Incumbent

General election results

Election Total seats won Total votes Share of votes Outcome of election Election leader
15 / 52
201,212 20.09% 15 seats; Governing coalition (Alliance Party) Tan Cheng Lock
19 / 104
232,073 15.00% 4 seats; Governing coalition (Alliance Party) Lim Chong Eu
27 / 104
225,211 18.7% 8 seats; Governing coalition (Alliance Party) Tan Siew Sin
13 / 144
15 seats; Governing coalition (Alliance Party) Tan Siew Sin
19 / 144
6 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Lee San Choon
17 / 154
2 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Lee San Choon
24 / 154
7 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Lee San Choon
17 / 177
589,289 12.42% 7 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Ling Liong Sik
18 / 180
1 seat; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Ling Liong Sik
30 / 192
12 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Ling Liong Sik
28 / 193
2 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Ling Liong Sik
31 / 219
1,074,230 15.5% 3 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Ong Ka Ting
15 / 222
840,489 10.35% 16 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Ong Ka Ting
7 / 222
867,851 7.86% 8 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) Chua Soi Lek
1 / 222
639,165 5.30% 6 seats; Opposition (Barisan Nasional) Liow Tiong Lai

See also


  1. J Denis Derbyshire; Ian Derbyshire (1990). Political Systems Of The World. Allied Publishers. p. 118. ISBN 978-81-7023-307-7.
  2. "A cash cow for Huaren". TheEdge. 23 March 2009.
  3. Loghun Kumaran (25 June 2018). "With about RM3b in assets, MCA unlikely to fade away soon". Malay Mail.
  4. "Thirteenth General Elections (GE13): Chinese votes and Implications on Malaysian Politics" (PDF). Kajian Malaysia. 32 (supp. 2): 25–53. 2014.
  5. "Racial politics: where it all went wrong for the Malaysian Chinese Association?". Asia One. 4 March 2019.
  6. Nyce, Ray (1973). Chinese New Villages in Malaysia. Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute.
  7. Ooi Keat Gin (11 May 2009). Historical Dictionary of Malaysia. Scarecrow Press. pp. lvii, 185. ISBN 978-0-8108-6305-7. Retrieved 16 February 2013.
  8. Nyce, Ray (1973). Chinese New Villages in Malaysia. Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute. p. 115.
  9. Bayly, Harper, Forgotten wars: Freedom and Revolution in Southeast Asia
  10. Keat Gin Ooi, ed. (2004). Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor, Volume 1. ABC-CLIO. p. 138. ISBN 9781576077702.
  11. In-Won Hwang (2003). Personalized Politics: The Malaysian State Under Mahathir. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 96. ISBN 978-9812301857.
  12. "Tun Dr Lim Chong Eu". Malaysian Chinese Association. Archived from the original on 18 October 2015.
  13. Howard J. Wiarda (2005). Comparative Politics: The politics of Asia. Routledge. p. 371. ISBN 0-415-33095-5.
  14. Boon Kheng Cheah (2002). Malaysia: The Making of a Nation. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 91–92. ISBN 978-9812301543.
  15. Ting Hui Lee (2011). Chinese Schools in Peninsular Malaysia: The Struggle for Survival. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 101–102.
  16. Edwin Lee (2008). Singapore: The Unexpected Nation. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 219–220. ISBN 978-9812307965.
  17. "Tun Tan Siew Sin". Malaysian Chinese Association. Archived from the original on 23 March 2014.
  18. Leo Suryadinata, ed. (30 December 2012). Southeast Asian Personalities of Chinese Descent: A Biographical Dictionary. ISEAS Publishing. p. 403. ISBN 978-9814345217.
  19. "Party History". Malaysian Chinese Association. Archived from the original on 6 April 2015.
  20. Ting Hui Lee (2011). Chinese Schools in Peninsular Malaysia: The Struggle for Survival. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 124.
  21. Cheah Kooi Guan (2012). Leo Suryadinata (ed.). Southeast Asian Personalities of Chinese Descent: A Biographical Dictionary. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 634. ISBN 978-9814345217.
  22. Cheah Boon Kheng (2002). Malaysia: The Making of a Nation. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 162–163. ISBN 978-9812301543.
  23. Cheah Boon Kheng (2002). Malaysia: The Making of a Nation. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 147–148. ISBN 978-9812301543.
  24. Diane K. Mauzy, R. S. Milne (1999). Malaysian Politics Under Mahathir. Routledge. p. 91. ISBN 978-0415171434.
  25. Harold A. Crouch (1982). Malaysia's 1982 General Election. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 9–12. ISBN 978-9971902452.
  26. Harold A. Crouch (1982). Malaysia's 1982 General Election. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 48. ISBN 978-9971902452.
  27. "Tan Sri Lee San Choon". Malaysian Chinese Association. Archived from the original on 23 March 2014.
  28. "San Choon Resigns". New Straits Times. 24 March 1983.
  29. "Mr Tan Koon Swan was yesterday elected president of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) by a landslide". Asian Wall Street Journal. 25 November 1985. p. 16.
  30. "MCA: New Beginning". Malaysian Business. 1 December 1985. p. 5.
  31. Tan Koon Swan, Malaysian Chinese Association, archived from the original on 12 July 2009, retrieved 6 July 2010
  32. Wong, Chin Huat (7 October 2009), MCA's irrelevant civil war, The Nut Graph
  33. Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik and Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, The Star, 31 December 2003, archived from the original on 4 June 2011
  34. Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik, Malaysian Chinese Association, archived from the original on 21 June 2007, retrieved 6 July 2010
  35. Chin, James (29 October 2009). "Tussle between MCA top two – Redux". Centre for Policy Initiatives. Archived from the original on 21 July 2011. Retrieved 5 July 2010.
  36. Michael Leifer (2000). Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia (3rd ed.). Routledge. pp. 174–175.
  37. In-Won Hwang (2003). Personalized Politics: The Malaysian State Under Mahathir. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 260–262. ISBN 978-9812301857.
  38. Leo Suryadinata, ed. (2012). Southeast Asian Personalities of Chinese Descent: A Biographical Dictionary. ISEAS. pp. 515–517.
  39. "Can Ong Ka Ting or any other ex this or that save MCA?". Aliran. 16 March 2010. Retrieved 8 July 2010.
  40. Ng, Boon Hooi (9 August 2001). "MCA Youth launches inquiry into AGM violence". Malaysiakini.
  41. Cherian George (2006). Contentious Journalism and the Internet: Towards Democratic Discourse in Malaysia and Singapore. University of Washington Press. p. 48. ISBN 978-0295985787.
  42. Wong Kok Keong. "It Matters Who Owns the Media". Aliran.
  43. "Malaysian press deal a 'freedom threat'". CNN. 31 May 2001.
  44. David Chew (15 June 2001). "Backers of Chinese press in Malaysia mobilize to defend its freedom". The Japan Times.
  45. Saw Swee-Hock, K Kesavapany, ed. (2005). Malaysia: Recent Trends and Challenges. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 92. ISBN 978-9812303394.
  46. Gatsiounis, Ioannis (23 November 2006), The racial divide widens in Malaysia, Asia Times
  47. "Chua resigns after sex scandal". The Star. 2 January 2008. Archived from the original on 5 May 2008.
  48. Edwards, Audrey (4 January 2008). "Chua blames downfall on hard work". The Star (Malaysia). Archived from the original on 24 June 2008.
  49. Ng, Boon Hooi (3 October 2008). "MCA reform: Real or imaginary?". The Nut Graph.
  50. "Tee Keat wins, Soi Lek is MCA No. 2". The Star (Malaysia). 18 October 2008. Archived from the original on 19 October 2008. Retrieved 5 July 2010.
  51. Loh, Deborah (30 April 2009), Pakatan Rakyat courts Chua Soi Lek, The Nut Graph
  52. "Soi Lek expelled". Malaysiakini. 26 August 2009.
  53. "MCA EGM: Delegates make dramatic decisions". The Star (Malaysia). 10 October 2009. Archived from the original on 11 October 2009.
  54. "Greater unity plan revealed". The Star (Malaysia). 23 October 2009. Archived from the original on 11 January 2010.
  55. "New EGM mired in legal wrangling while Ong pushes unity plan". The Malaysian Insider. 4 November 2009. Archived from the original on 7 November 2009. Retrieved 7 May 2010.
  56. "Soi Lek quits, fresh MCA polls imminent". The Malaysian Insider. 4 March 2010. Archived from the original on 6 March 2010. Retrieved 7 May 2010.
  57. "Soi Lek wins, Liow is MCA No. 2". The Malaysian Insider. 28 March 2010. Archived from the original on 31 March 2010. Retrieved 7 May 2010.
  58. "Liow will cooperate with Dr Chua". The Malay Mail. 28 March 2010. Archived from the original on 22 June 2011.
  59. Boo Su-Lyn (10 May 2013). "MCA elders call for Soi Lek's head to roll". The Malaysian Insider. Archived from the original on 3 September 2014.
  60. James Chin (December 2013). "So Close and Yet So Far: Strategies in the 13th Malaysian Elections". The Round Table. 102 (6): 533–540. doi:10.1080/00358533.2013.857145.
  61. "Global Insight: Malaysia's 'Chinese tsunami' puts Najib in a bind". Financial Times. 7 May 2013.
  62. Wong, Chin Huat (7 October 2009). "MCA's irrelevant civil war". The Nut Graph. Retrieved 23 April 2011.
  63. Azman Ghani (20 December 2013). "MCA polls: Fight to restore party's relevance". Yahoo! News Malaysia. Archived from the original on 6 November 2014. Retrieved 30 August 2014.
  64. "Editorial: Malaysia's 'Chinese tsunami'". The Jakarta Post. 17 May 2012.
  65. "MCA to mull on invitation by PM to join Cabinet". New Straits Times. 3 May 2014. Archived from the original on 3 September 2014.
  66. Lester Kong (21 December 2013). "Malaysia's former health minister Liow Tiong Lai is new MCA president". The Straits Times.
  67. Leven Woon (13 December 2013). "How will Chua Soi Lek be remembered?". Free Malaysia Today.
  68. "Dr Wee Ka Siong is the new MCA president (Updated)". The Star. 4 November 2018.
  69. "Report: Liow not standing in MCA polls this year". Free Malaysia Today. 11 May 2018.
  70. "A fresh look for MCA". Malaysian Chinese Association. 5 November 2018.


  • James Chin (2016). “From K etuanan Melayu to Ketuanan Islam: UMNO and the Malaysian Chinese” in Bridget Welsh (ed.) The End of UMNO? Essays on Malaysia’s Dominant Party (Strategic Information and Research Development Centre: Selangor, Malaysia) pp 226–273
  • James Chin. Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) Politics a Year Later: Crisis of Political Legitimacy, The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs Vol. 99, No. 407, April 2010, pp. 153–162
  • James Chin. The Malaysian Chinese Dilemma: The Never Ending Policy (NEP), Chinese Southern Diaspora Studies, Vol 3, 2009
  • Chin, James (2006). "New Chinese Leadership in Malaysia: The Contest for the MCA and Gerakan Presidency". Contemporary Southeast Asia (CSEA), Vol. 28, No. 1 (April 2006).
  • Chin, James (2000). "A New Balance: The Chinese Vote in the 1999 Malaysian General Election". South East Asia Research 8 (3), 281–299.
  • Chin, James (2001). "Malaysian Chinese Politics in the 21st Century: Fear, Service and Marginalisation". Asian Journal of Political Science 9 (2), 78–94.
  • James Chin (2018) The Malaysian Chinese Association, set adrift in need of a direction, Channel News Asia, 30 October
  • Goh, Cheng Teik (1994). Malaysia: Beyond Communal Politics. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-475-4.
  • "National Front parties were not formed to fight for Malaysian independence". Malaysia Today. by Pillai, M.G.G. (3 November 2005)
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.