Jacobitism (// JAK-ə-bye-tiz-əm Scottish Gaelic: Seumasachas [ˈʃeːməs̪əxəs̪], Irish: Seacaibíteachas, Séamusachas) is a name commonly used for the movement that supported the restoration of the House of Stuart to the British throne. It is derived from Jacobus, the Latin version of James.
James Francis Edward Stuart, Jacobite claimant between 1701 and 1766
|Area of operations||Kingdom of Great Britain and Kingdom of Ireland|
When James II and VII went into exile after the 1688 Glorious Revolution, the Parliament of England argued he abandoned the English throne and offered it to his Protestant daughter Mary II and her husband William III. The Scottish Convention claimed he 'forfeited' the throne of Scotland by his actions, listed in the Articles of Grievances.
The assertion that monarchs gained legitimacy from Parliament, rather than God, or divine right became a key ideological difference between Jacobites and their opponents. However, Jacobitism was a complex mix of ideas, many opposed by the Stuarts themselves; in Ireland, it meant tolerance for Catholicism, which James supported, but also Irish autonomy and reversing the 17th century land settlements, which he opposed. In 1745, Scottish Jacobites opposed the 1707 Union and divine right; Prince Charles supported both.
Outside Ireland, Jacobitism was strongest in the western Scottish Highlands, Perthshire and Aberdeenshire and areas of Northern England with a high proportion of Catholics such as western Lancashire and Northumberland. Sympathisers were also found in parts of Wales, and in the West Midlands and South West England, to some degree overlapping with the Royalist strongholds of the Civil War era. The movement had an international dimension; several European powers sponsored the Jacobites as an extension of larger conflicts, while many Jacobite exiles served in foreign armies.
In addition to the 1689–1691 Williamite War in Ireland and the simultaneous conflict in Scotland, there were open Jacobite revolts in Scotland and England in 1715, 1719 and 1745-6; abortive French-backed invasion attempts in 1708 and 1744; and several unsuccessful plots. While the 1745 rising was briefly a serious crisis for the British state, leading to the recall of British troops from Continental Europe, its collapse and the 1748 withdrawal of French support ended Jacobitism as a serious political movement.
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The first Stuart king, James VI and I, claimed both his right to the throne and authority came from God, or divine right. This concept, combined with his vision of a centralised, Unionist state, was followed by his successors with remarkable consistency, whether Catholic or Protestant.
Attempts by his son Charles I to create a unified, Protestant church across all three kingdoms and rule without Parliament led to the 1639-1651 Wars of the Three Kingdoms. Political and religious tensions persisted after the restoration of Charles II in 1660 but despite his Catholicism, James II and VII became king in 1685 with widespread support in all three kingdoms. In England and Scotland, the majority wanted stability and since James' heir was his Protestant daughter Mary, a Catholic monarch seemed a short-term issue.
The situation was different in Ireland, where approximately 75% of the population was Catholic. Confiscations had reduced the percentage of Catholic-owned land from 90% in 1600 to around 22% by 1685, while a series of proclamations after 1673 deprived them of the right to bear arms or hold public office. When Tyrconnell was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland, he began building a Catholic establishment that could survive James but the speed of the process began to destabilise all three kingdoms.
Concern over James' policies changed to full-blown rebellion in June 1688, with the birth of a Catholic heir and riots in England and Scotland following the acquittal of the Seven Bishops. In 1685, many feared civil war if James were bypassed; by 1688, it seemed only his removal could prevent one. Mary and her husband William of Orange were invited to assume the English throne and William landed in Brixham on 5 November with about 14,000 troops. James was deserted by his army and went into exile in France on 23 December; by May 1689, William and Mary had been installed as joint monarchs of England and Scotland.
With Tyrconnell retaining control over most of Ireland, James and 6,000 French troops landed on 12 March 1689; this began the War in Ireland, with a subsidiary Scottish rising led by Viscount Dundee. In May, the so-called Patriot Parliament repealed the Cromwellian land seizures, confiscated land from those who supported William and proclaimed Ireland a 'distinct kingdom' from England. All these measures were subsequently reversed.
Jacobite defeat at the Battle of the Boyne in July 1690 coincided with French naval victory at Beachy Head. James returned to France to urge an immediate invasion but by August, the Anglo-Dutch fleet had regained command of the sea. His departure permanently damaged his image in Ireland, although the war continued until the 1691 Treaty of Limerick.
The 1701 Act of Settlement stipulated a Protestant heir to the English throne. When Anne became the last Stuart monarch in 1702, her heir was the distantly related but Protestant George I, not her Catholic half brother James. The 1707 Act of Union which combined England and Scotland into Great Britain extended this to Scotland and Ireland. Anne viewed this as the unified Protestant kingdom her great-grandfather, grandfather, father and uncle all failed to achieve.
Jacobite supporters in the three kingdoms
The motivation and composition of Jacobite support varied widely during its existence and across the three kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland. This has led historians to characterise the movement in a variety of ways, including as a revolutionary extension of anti-Court, 'Country' ideology, an aristocratic reaction against a growth in executive power, a simple conflict between feudalism and capitalism, or as a product of nationalist feeling in Scotland and Ireland.
Irish Jacobite demands included religious toleration, legislative autonomy and land ownership, issues that pre-dated the cause and continued long after it ended, while participants in the 1689 to 1691 Williamite War in Ireland showed little enthusiasm for James. Some historians claim it is difficult to identify what was distinctly 'Jacobite' in Irish support for the Stuarts.
Both Charles I and Charles II viewed Ireland as subservient to England, and James conceded demands for an autonomous Irish parliament with great reluctance. Much of the Protestant Church of Ireland backed James in 1689, including eight of its bishops; significant numbers later became Non-Jurors, the most famous being propagandist Charles Leslie. For various reasons, James insisted on retaining the church, while his claim to appoint Catholic bishops and clergy led to conflict with Pope Innocent XI, who allegedly helped finance William's campaign.
The most divisive internal issue faced by the 1689 Patriot Parliament was land; the proportion owned by Irish Catholics had declined from 90% in 1600 to 22% in 1685, most of it held by the Old English elite. Despite objections from James, Parliament passed legislation restoring the position to that prevailing in 1652 but this and other acts were declared void after the October 1691 Treaty of Limerick; by 1702, less than 9% was in Catholic hands.
Defeat in 1691 led to legal formalisation of the Protestant Ascendancy; measures passed by the 1689 Parliament were annulled and 14,000 Jacobite soldiers went into exile. Although they soon ceased to exist as an autonomous force, foreign service remained common among Irish Catholics before it was banned in 1745. Until 1766, the Stuarts nominally controlled the appointment of Catholic clergy in Ireland but their residence in Rome meant these were largely made by the Vatican; Irish Jacobitism became characterised by conservative, militant Catholicism.
In 1685, writers like Ó Bruadair welcomed James as the 'true king', who would ensure the supremacy of Catholicism and the Irish language. His departure from Ireland in 1690 led to a populist perspective of James as a traitor, while upper-class literati like Charles O'Kelly portrayed him as 'the rightful king who was banished (and) destined to return'. This dynamic continued after his death in 1701, summarised in a proverb of the period; 'As bad as James was, to be without him is worse.' In 1715, Eoin O Callanain described his son James Stuart as "taoiseach na nGaoidheal" or "chieftain of the Gaels". However, the exact nature of the link between Gaelic literature and Jacobitism in the 18th century is unclear.
While support for autonomy and Catholic emancipation continued throughout the 18th century, Ireland took no part in the 1715 or 1745 Risings. Many of the remaining Catholic gentry renounced support for the Stuarts, creating organisations like the Catholic Convention who worked within the existing state for redress of grievances. After the death of Charles in 1788, remaining Jacobites cast the French First Republic in the role of liberator previously occupied by the Stuarts.
England and Wales
While there was a clear link in England and Wales between Catholicism and Jacobitism, their numbers were too small to have any real impact: by 1720, there were only an estimated 115,000 in the two countries. The government actively sought reconciliation by not enforcing the Penal Laws and from 1719 once more permitting 'occasional conformity', allowing Catholics to hold official positions in return for attendance at yearly Anglican services. Most Catholic members of the gentry were clustered in Lancashire and Northumberland: many of these joined the 1715 rebellion but avoided commitment in 1745.
There was limited support for the Stuarts from Nonjurors, Church of England clergy who refused on principle to take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary while James still lived. For the vast majority, this was a matter of conscience, not political; in 1691, the English Parliament formally removed or 'deprived' Non-Juring bishops but the clergy was largely left alone for this reason.
Two of the deprived bishops, Robert Frampton and Thomas Ken, continued to attend Church of England services and most Non-Jurors opposed Sancroft's decision in 1693 to create new bishops. This was driven by his belief Parliament had no right to interfere with clerical appointments, rather than Jacobitism. The prospect of a formal schism led many moderates to return to the church and by 1725, the Non-Juring church had ceased to be a significant force.
Although many Tories were Jacobite sympathisers, most were fervently anti-Catholic and the official Tory doctrine of passive obedience to the monarch discouraged active support of the exiled Stuarts. Ongoing Tory disaffection often derived from policy differences with the Whigs, not doctrinaire Stuart loyalism.
In 1714, most Tories tried to reconcile with the new regime; the most prominent, Bolingbroke, was forced into exile by his own poor political judgement. Even the Earl of Mar, who led the 1715 rising, observed "Jacobitisme, which they used to brand the Tories with, is now I presum out of doors", expressing his hope that "the King has better understanding than to make himself but King of one partie". Ideologically committed Jacobites remained a minority in the party, alongside a larger number frustrated by their exclusion from power under the Hanoverian monarchs.
'Popular' Jacobitism, expressed in riots and the adoption of Stuart or Royalist symbols on Restoration Day, was associated with Tory towns such as Bristol. This was often encouraged by Tory gentry at times of political instability, as in the West Midlands in 1715, but was complex. Areas that experienced widespread rioting during the coronation of George I in 1714 were largely untouched in 1715.
The main sources of Scottish Jacobite support are often portrayed as Gaelic-speaking Stuart loyalist Highlanders or Catholics. In reality, Scots Catholics were a tiny minority in 1688; by 1745, it is estimated they comprised only 16,500 out of a Scots population of over 1.5 million, although the proportion tended to be higher among the gentry. Highlanders formed a high proportion of Jacobite military forces due to the feudal nature of clan society, which obliged tenants to provide their landlord with military service. In 1689, 1715 and 1745, the vast majority of Highland recruits came from a small number of western clans whose leaders joined the rebellion.
After the 1719 Rising, new laws imposed penalties on Non-Juring clergy, those who refused to swear allegiance to the Hanoverian regime, rather than the Stuarts. While Non-jurors quickly declined in England, doctrinal differences with the majority Church of Scotland meant the Scottish community became the separate Scottish Episcopal Church. Many who participated in the 1715 and 1745 Rising came from Episcopalian congregations, whose governance structures suited the hierarchical nature of clan society.
The single biggest driver in Scotland was opposition to the 1707 Union, a feeling that the London government did not have their best interests at heart. In 1745, the pro-Union Jacobite Lord George Murray claimed to be motivated by government "corruption and bribery" and against "wars entered into for and on account of the Electors of Hanover". Despite their own support for a unified state, the Stuarts tried to appeal to those unhappy with Union, either for economic reasons or otherwise. This was particularly strong in Edinburgh, former location of the Scottish Parliament, although opposition to Union did not imply support for the Stuarts.
Historian Frank McLynn identifies seven primary drivers in Jacobitism, noting that while the movement contained "sincere men [..] who aimed solely to restore the Stuarts", it was "rarely [...] a positive doctrine" and "provided a source of legitimacy for political dissent of all kinds".
The four primary ideological tenets were the divine right of kings, their accountability to God, not man or Parliament, inalienable hereditary right, and the duty of subjects to obey. These motifs drew on theology shared by Non-Jurors, Anglicans and Scots Episcopalians and provided an ideological framework for recruits. However, they were neither unique to nor consistently held within the Jacobite community; by 1745 the promotion of hereditary and indefeasible right was restricted largely to a few Scots Jacobites, notably Lord Pitsligo.
In principle, the Jacobite concept of divine right invalidated the 1689 Settlement, since only God could remove kings, not Parliament, but their Catholicism was an insuperable obstacle to most Protestants. In both England and Scotland, the vast majority of those who refused to swear allegiance to William III did so on grounds of conscience, rather than for political reasons. The issue receded when James died in 1701; after all, William had a Stuart mother, a Stuart wife and was succeeded by his Stuart sister-in-law. Estimates of English support in particular confused indifference to the Hanoverians with enthusiasm for the Stuarts, although the perception that the Hanoverian connection involved Britain in continental wars drove some dissent.
After the Act of Settlement, Jacobite propagandists removed the legitimist element and began to focus on themes such as opposition to a standing army, electoral corruption and social injustice. By the 1750s Charles himself promised triannual parliaments, disbanding the army and legal guarantees on press freedom. Such tactics broadened their appeal but also carried risks, since they could always be undercut by a government prepared to offer similar concessions. In 1745, many Scots Jacobites sought to reverse the 1707 Union, not restore the Stuarts; after Prestonpans, they preferred to negotiate, not invade England.
More generally, Jacobite theorists reflected broader currents in Enlightenment thought, appealing to those attracted to a monarchist solution to perceived modern decadence. Populist songs and tracts presented the Stuart monarch as a king capable of putting right a wide range of ills and restoring social harmony; a man who continued to eat English beef and consume English beer in exile. While particularly calculated to appeal to Tories, the wide range of themes adopted by Jacobite pamphleteers and agents periodically drew in disaffected Whigs and former radicals: such "Whig-Jacobites" were highly valued by James II's exiled court, but seem to have mainly viewed him a potentially weak king from whom it would be easy to extract concessions in the event of a restoration.
While Jacobite agents continued in their attempts to recruit the disaffected, the most committed Jacobites were often linked by relatively small family networks, particularly in Scotland; Jacobite activities in areas like Perthshire and Aberdeenshire centred on a limited number of influential families heavily involved in 1715 and 1745.
Some of the most powerful landowning families preserved their establishment loyalties, but maintained traditions of Stuart allegiance by 'permitting' younger sons to become involved in active Jacobitism; in 1745, Lewis Gordon was widely believed to be a proxy for his brother, the Duke of Gordon. Many Jacobite leaders were closely linked to each other and the exile community by marriage or blood. This has led some historians, notably Bruce Lenman, to characterise the Jacobite risings as French-backed coup attempts by a small network drawn from the elite, though this view is not universally accepted.
Family traditions of Jacobite sympathy were reinforced through objects such as inscribed glassware or rings with hidden symbols, although many of those that survive are in fact 19th century neo-Jacobite creations. Other family heirlooms contained reference to executed Jacobite "martyrs", for which the movement preserved an unusual level of veneration. Tartan cloth, widely adopted by the Jacobite army in 1745, was used in portraiture as a symbol of Stuart sympathies, even before the Rising. Outside elite social circles, the Jacobite community circulated propaganda and symbolic objects through a network of clubs, print-sellers and pedlars, aimed at the provincial gentry and "middling sort". In 1745, Prince Charles ordered commemorative medals and miniature pictures for clandestine distribution.
Among the more visible elements of the Jacobite community were drinking clubs established in the early 18th century, such as the Scottish Bucks Club or the "Cycle of the White Rose", led by Welsh Tory Sir Watkin Williams-Wynn. Others included the "Sea Serjeants", largely composed of South Wales gentry or the "Independent Electors of Westminster" led by the Glamorganshire lawyer David Morgan, executed for his role in 1745. Other than Morgan, the vast majority of their members took no part in the 1745 Rising; Charles later suggested he "will do for the Welsh Jacobites what they did for me. I will drink their health".
Jacobites relied heavily on symbols, which were impossible to prosecute, the most common being the White rose of York, adopted after 1688 for reasons now unclear. Various origins have been suggested, including its use as an ancient Scottish royal device, its association with James II as Duke of York, or Charles I being styled as the "White King". Jacobite military units often used plain white standards and white cockades: green ribbons were another recognised Stuart symbol despite also having Whig associations. Many of these symbols were also employed by Tories to provoke government supporters, such as the oak boughs or oak leaf associated with Charles II. Restoration Day, on May 29, was an occasion for displays of Stuart sympathy, as was "White Rose Day" on 10 June, birthday of James Francis Edward Stuart.
There were Jacobite risings in 1689, 1715, 1719 and 1745. There were also planned French invasions of Britain in support with or in support of the Jacobites in 1708 and 1744.
Jacobitism entered permanent decline after the 1745 rebellion. There were a number of reasons for this; longer-term factors included reconciliation of English Catholics and the decline of Non-Juring Anglicans, but exposure in 1745 of the movement's internal divisions was also important. Several key Scottish supporters no longer trusted Charles or French promises of aid, while he considered their decision to turn back at Derby in December 1745 to be a betrayal; James Stuart, in whose name Charles had begun the rebellion, had always regarded the project as irresponsible.
While Charles was received as a hero in Paris the French reception behind the scenes was more muted. The French envoy to the Jacobites reported that a Scottish republic might be more advantageous to France in the long term, as a restored Stuart monarch would be liable to return to a strategic alliance with the Dutch. He had a low opinion of Charles, criticising his failure to defend the line of the Spey, described senior Jacobite officer Lochgarry as "almost a bandit" ("presqu'un voleur") and suggested their commander Lord George Murray was a British spy. Although Charles and Lochiel continued to agitate for another rising, there was little enthusiasm for it at the French court, particularly as the events of 1745-6 had already achieved their strategic objective of ensuring British troops were withdrawn from the Continent.
After French victories knocked the Netherlands out of the Seven Years' War, the British offered reasonable peace terms and made the expulsion of Charles from France a precondition of negotiations. Charles ignored French orders to depart, continued to demand military action and support for his extravagant lifestyle and flaunted his presence around Paris as peace negotiations for the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle got under way. After British complaints, the French government lost patience and in December 1748 Charles was seized on his way to the Opéra and briefly jailed before being expelled.
While the government response after 1715 had been relatively lenient, its actions in Scotland after the 1745 rising also impacted Jacobite support long-term. Government forces spent several weeks searching for rebels, confiscating cattle and burning non-juring Episcopalian and Catholic meeting houses. The brutality of these measures was driven by a widespread perception among both government officials and Jacobites that another landing was imminent. 3,500 captured Jacobites were indicted for treason: of these, 120 were executed, primarily deserters and members of the Manchester Regiment, 650 died awaiting trial, 900 pardoned and the rest transported.
The Jacobite lords Kilmarnock, Balmerino and Lovat were beheaded in April 1747, but public opinion was against further trials and the 1747 Act of Indemnity pardoned any remaining prisoners. One of these was Flora MacDonald, whose aristocratic admirers collected over £1,500 for her. Lord Elcho, Lord Murray and Lochiel were excluded from this and died in exile.
New forts were built, the military road network finally completed and William Roy made the first comprehensive survey of the Highlands. Additional measures were taken to weaken the traditional clan system, which even before 1745 had been under severe stress due to changing economic conditions. The Heritable Jurisdictions Act ended feudal powers exercised by chiefs over their clansmen, depriving the Jacobites of the means to quickly mobilise an army, while the Act of Proscription outlawed Highland dress unless worn in military service; its impact is debated and the law was repealed in 1782.
From 1749 to 1751 Charles began exploring a further rising in England; he considered converting to Anglicanism, a proposal that had outraged his father James when previously suggested. In 1750 he secretly visited London: the English Jacobites were clear that they would do nothing without foreign backing, which despite Charles's overtures to Frederick II of Prussia seemed unlikely.
A plot to capture or assassinate George II, headed by Alexander Murray of Elibank, eventually stalled but not before Charles had sent two exiled Scots as agents. One was Archibald Cameron, responsible for recruiting the Cameron regiment in 1745: he was allegedly betrayed by his own clansmen on returning to Scotland and executed on 7 June 1753. In a 1754 dispute with the English conspirators, a drunken and increasingly desperate Charles threatened to publish their names for having "betrayed" him; most remaining English sympathisers now left the cause.
Loss of French support
In 1759 French naval defeats at Lagos and Quiberon Bay forced them to abandon a planned invasion of Britain, which would have placed Charles on the throne. It is often considered the last realistic chance for the Jacobites. With its passing, Charles collapsed yet further into alcoholism and was soon entirely abandoned by the French government, who saw little further use for him. The English Jacobites stopped sending funds, and by 1760 Charles, who had returned to Catholicism, was relying on the Papacy to support his lifestyle in Rome.
In 1766, when Old Pretender James (VIII/III) Edward Stuart died, the Holy See refused to recognise "Bonnie" Prince Charles as the lawful sovereign of Great Britain, thus depriving him of his most powerful remaining support, the French support being long gone. In 1788, the Scottish Catholics swore allegiance to the House of Hanover, and resolved two years later to pray for King George by name.
When Charles died in 1788 the Stuart claim to the throne passed to his younger brother Henry, who had become a Cardinal, and who now styled himself King Henry IX of England. After falling into financial difficulty during the French Revolution, he was granted a stipend by George III. However, he never actually surrendered his claims to the throne, though all former supporters of Jacobitism had stopped funding. Following the death of Henry in 1807, the Jacobite claims passed to those excluded by the Act of Settlement: initially to the House of Savoy (1807–1840), then to the Modenese branch of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine (1840–1919), and finally to the House of Wittelsbach (1919–present). Franz, Duke of Bavaria is the current Jacobite heir. Neither he nor any of his predecessors since 1807 have pursued their claim. Henry, Charles and James are memorialised in the Monument to the Royal Stuarts in the Vatican.
What began with the English parliament asserting a new authority and William looking to expand alliances against France quickly developed into a major distraction, with William being forced to focus attention on Ireland and Scotland, and parliament having to fund the armies needed to overcome the Jacobites. This distraction helped keep Britain from intervening on the continent and contributed to twenty years of peace in Europe, while continuing unrest forced the British state to develop repressive strategies with networks of spies and informers as well as increasing its standing army. While Jacobitism increasingly appealed to the disaffected, it inherently bowed to higher authority and thus reinforced the social order. It left the British state strengthened to deal with the more revolutionary movements that developed later in the 18th century.
Jacobitism is celebrated in many folk songs, including those by nineteenth century Scots poets such as Alicia Spottiswoode and Carolina Nairne, Lady Nairne (whose "Bonnie Charlie" remains popular). The Corries were well-known for singing this type of music. One of the best known songs is Mo Ghile Mear by Seán Clárach Mac Domhnaill which has been sung by many artists including Sting. Additionally, Jacobitism became the subject of romantic poetry and literature, notably the work of Robert Burns and Sir Walter Scott.
Walter Scott, author of Waverley, a story of the 1745 rebellion, combined romantic Jacobitism with an appreciation of the practical benefits of the Hanoverian government, and in 1822 he arranged a pageantry of reinvented Scottish traditions for the visit of King George IV to Scotland when George IV visited Edinburgh and dressed as a kilted successor to his distant relative Charles Stuart. The tartan pageantry was immensely popular and the kilt became Scotland's National Dress.
There was a brief revival of political Jacobitism in the late 1880s and into the 1890s. A number of Jacobite clubs and societies were formed, starting with the Order of the White Rose founded by Bertram Ashburnham in 1886. In 1890, Herbert Vivian and Ruaraidh Erskine co-founded a weekly newspaper, The Whirlwind, that espoused a Jacobite political view. Vivian, Erskine and Melville Henry Massue formed the Legitimist Jacobite League of Great Britain and Ireland in 1891, which lasted for several years. Vivian went on to stand for Parliament four times on a Jacobite platform – though he failed to be elected each time. The revival largely came to an end with the First World War and the various societies of the time are now represented by the Royal Stuart Society.
In literature and popular culture
Jacobitism has been a popular subject for historical novels, and for speculative and humorous fiction.
- The historical novels Waverley (1814) and Rob Roy (1817) by Sir Walter Scott focus on the first and second Jacobite rebellions.
- Kidnapped (1886) is a historical fiction adventure novel by the Scottish author Robert Louis Stevenson that features the intrigues of Jacobite troubles in Scotland.
- In the 1920s, D. K. Broster wrote the Jacobite Trilogy of novels featuring the dashing hero Ewen Cameron.
- Joan Aiken's Wolves Chronicles have as background an alternative history of England, in which King James III, a Stuart, is on the throne, and the Hanoverians plot to overthrow him.
- A fictional account is given of the Jacobite/Hanoverian conflict in The Long Shadow, The Chevalier and The Maiden, Volumes 6–8 of The Morland Dynasty, a series of historical novels by author Cynthia Harrod-Eagles. Insight is given through the eyes of the Morland family into the religious, political and emotional issues at the heart of the struggle.
Claimants to the thrones of England, Scotland, Ireland and France
- James II and VII (6 February 1685 – 16 September 1701).
- James III and VIII (16 September 1701 – 1 January 1766), James Francis Edward Stuart, also known as the Chevalier de St. George, the King over the Water, or the Old Pretender. (Son of James II)
- Charles III (31 December 1720 – 31 January 1788), Charles Edward Stuart, also known as Bonnie Prince Charlie, the Young Chevalier, or the Young Pretender. (Son of James III)
- Henry IX and I (6 March 1725 – 13 July 1807), Henry Benedict Stuart, also known as the Cardinal King. (Son of James III)
Since Henry's death, none of the Jacobite heirs have claimed the English or Scottish thrones. Franz, Duke of Bavaria (born 1933), a direct descendant of Charles I, is the current legitimate heir of the house of Stuart. It has been suggested that a repeal of the Act of Settlement 1701 could allow him to claim the throne, although he has expressed no interest in doing so.
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- Ferguson, William (1994). Scotland's Relations with England: A Survey to 1707. The Saltire Society. ISBN 978-0-85411-058-2.
- Graham, Brian (ed.) (2002). In Search of Ireland: A Cultural Geography. Taylor and Francis. ISBN 9781134749188.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- Hayes, Richard (1949). "Ireland and Jacobitism". Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review. 38 (149).
- Hill, Christopher (1937). The Century of Revolution, 1603-1714 (2002 ed.). Psychology Press. ISBN 9780415267397.
- James, Francis Godwin (1979). "The Church of Ireland in the Early 18th Century". Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 48 (4).
- Hamilton, Henry (1963). An economic history of Scotland in the Eighteenth century. Clarendon Press.
- Harris, Tim (1993). Politics under the Later Stuarts: Party Conflict in a Divided Society, 1660–1715. Longman. ISBN 978-0582040823.
- Harris, Tim (2007). Revolution; the Great Crisis of the British Monarchy 1685–1720. Penguin. ISBN 978-0141016528.
- Lenihan, Padraig (2016). Consolidating Conquest: Ireland 1603-1727. Routledge. ISBN 978-1138140639.
- Lenman, Bruce (1980). The Jacobite Risings in Britain 1689–1746. Methuen Publishing. ISBN 978-0413396501.
- Lord, Evelyn (2004). The Stuart Secret Army: The Hidden History of the English Jacobites. Pearson. ISBN 978-0582772564.
- Ruvigny and Raineval, Marquis de (Melville Henry Massue) (comp.). The Jacobite Peerage, Baronetage, Knightage and Grants of Honour. Edinburgh: T. C. & E. C. Jack, 1904.
- McCormick, Ted (2014). Restoration Ireland, 1660–1688; in The Oxford Handbook of Modern Irish History. OUP. ISBN 978-0198768210.
- McDonald, Alan (1998). The Jacobean Kirk, 1567–1625: Sovereignty, Polity and Liturgy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1859283738.
- McCann, Jean E (1963). The Organisation of the Jacobite Army. PHD thesis Edinburgh University. OCLC 646764870.
- McGrath, Charles Ivar (1996). "Securing the Protestant Interest: The Origins and Purpose of the Penal Laws of 1695". Irish Historical Studies. 30 (117). JSTOR 30008727.
- McLynn, Frank (1982). "Issues and Motives in the Jacobite Rising of 1745". The Eighteenth Century. 23 (2). JSTOR 41467263.
- Miller, John (1978). James II; A study in kingship. Menthuen. ISBN 978-0413652904.
- Monod, Paul (1993). Jacobitism and the English People, 1688-1788. Cambridge UP. ISBN 9780521447935.
- Moody; Martin; Byrne (eds.) (2009). A New History of Ireland: Volume III: Early Modern Ireland 1534-1691. OUP. ISBN 9780198202424.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- Morley, Vincent (2007). "The Continuity of Disaffection in Eighteenth-Century Ireland". Eighteenth-Century Ireland / Iris an Dá Chultúr. 22.
- O'Ciardha, Eamonn (2000). Ireland and the Jacobite Cause, 1685-1766: A Fatal Attachment. Four Courts Press. ISBN 978-1851825349.
- Parrish, David (2017). Jacobitism and Anti-Jacobitism in the British Atlantic World, 1688–1727. Royal Historical Society. ISBN 978-0861933419.
- Parker, Geoffrey (2002). Empire, War and Faith in Early Modern Europe (2003 ed.). Penguin. ISBN 978-0140297898.
- Pittock, Murray (1998). Jacobitism. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0333667989.
- Pittock, Murray (1997). Inventing and Resisting Britain. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Pittock, Murray (1995). The Myths of the Jacobite Clans. Edinburgh University Press.
- Plank, Geoffrey (2005). Rebellion and Savagery: The Jacobite Rising of 1745 and the British Empire. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0812238983.
- Mitchell, Albert (1937). "The Non-Jurors; 1688-1805". The Churchman. 51 (2).
- Overton, JH (1902). The Nonjurors: Their Lives, Principles, and Writings (2018 ed.). Wentworth Press. ISBN 9780530237329.
- Riding, Jacqueline (2016). Jacobites: A New History of the 45 Rebellion. Bloomsbury. ISBN 978-1408819128.
- Rogers, Nicholas (1998). Crowds, Culture, and Politics in Georgian Britain. Oxford UP.
- Shinsuke, Satsuma (2013). Britain and Colonial Maritime War in the Early Eighteenth Century. Boydell Press. ISBN 978-1843838623.
- Smith, Hannah (2013). Georgian Monarchy: Politics and Culture, 1714–60. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521828765.
- Somerset, Anne (2012). Queen Anne; the Politics of Passion. HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0007203765.
- Stephen, Jeffrey (January 2010). "Scottish Nationalism and Stuart Unionism". Journal of British Studies. 49 (1, Scottish Special).
- Strong, Rowan (2002). Episcopalianism in Nineteenth-Century Scotland: Religious Responses to a Modernizing Society. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199249220.
- Szechi, Daniel (1994). The Jacobites: Britain and Europe, 1688–1788 (First ed.). Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0719037740.
- Szechi, Daniel; Sankey, Margaret (November 2001). "Elite Culture and the Decline of Scottish Jacobitism 1716–1745". Past & Present. 173 (173): 90–128. doi:10.1093/past/173.1.90. JSTOR 3600841.
- Yates, Nigel (2014). Eighteenth Century Britain: Religion and Politics 1714-1815. Routledge.
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- The Jacobite Heritage
- BBC-Interactive Timeline of British History
- General History of the Highlands
- The University of Guelph Library, Archival and Special Collections, has more than 500 Jacobite pamphlets, histories, and literature in its rare books section introduced at https://web.archive.org/web/20100106050248/http://www.lib.uoguelph.ca/resources/archival_%26_special_collections/the_collections/digital_collections/scottish/Jacobite_site_0.htm
- Ascanius; or, the Young Adventurer