Holtzmann's law is a Proto-Germanic sound law originally noted by Adolf Holtzmann in 1838. It is also known by its traditional German name Verschärfung (literally: "sharpening"). (A similar sound law which has affected modern Faroese, called skerping in Faroese itself, is also known as "Faroese Verschärfung" in English.)
- hardening into occlusive onsets:
- vocalization of the first semivowel, its addition to a diphthong, and division of the diphthong and remaining semivowel into two separate segments in West Germanic.
The conditions of the sound change were long debated, since there was a seemingly random distribution of affected and unaffected words. At first, dependence on word accent was assumed, parallel to Verner's Law. One currently accepted solution, first proposed by Smith (1941), postulates dependency on the presence of a PIE laryngeal, which when lost, triggered lengthening as if the semivowels were vowels, and forced them into the syllable margin.
For example, PIE *drewh₂yo → early Proto-Germanic *trewwjaz 'trustworthy, faithful' →:
- *triwwjaz: Old Norse tryggr, Gothic triggws
- *triuwjaz: Old English trēowe, Old High German gitriuwi.
One instance where a laryngeal was never present is PIE *h₂ōwyóm 'egg', but after the loss of * -w-, the * -y- shifted into the syllable margin, giving:
Some linguists (e.g. Joseph Voyles) hold that Holtzmann's Law represents two separate and independent sound changes, one applying to Gothic and another to Old Norse, rather than being a common innovation. This is supported by James Marchand's observation that a Runic inscription (niuwila on the Naesbjaerg bracteate of the 5th century) and an early loan into Finnic (*kuva 'picture', cf. Gothic skuggwa 'mirror', Old High German skūwo 'look') do not exhibit this change. If true, this would prevent Holtzmann's law being used as an example of early Gotho-Nordic unity, in which context it is often cited. Voyles's explanations of the changes do not involve laryngeal theory.
Similar developments in later Nordic languages
Faroese shows a similar development, where some Old Norse long vowels developed into diphthongs, which then hardened into stops, e.g. Old Norse þrír → Faroese tríggir, ON róa → Far. rógva. This phenomenon is commonly called "Faroese Verschärfung" or by the Faroese term skerping ("sharpening"), which, however, also is used about the fronting of vowels that subsequently takes place in these contexts. Another similar change occurs in a number of Jutlandic dialects of Danish, where high vowels carrying the stød prosody develop diphthongal glides which are then "hardened" into stops or fricatives, a phenomenon commonly called "klusilspring" ("stop shifting") or "klusilparasit" ("stop parasite").
- Natalie Operstein, Consonantal Structure and Prevocalization (John Benjamins, 2010), 91.
- Henry Lee Smith, Jr., The Verschärfung in Germanic, Language 17 (1941), 93-9.
- Winfred P. Lehmann, Proto-Indo-European Phonology (1955), chapter 4: 'Lengthened /w/ and /y/ in the Gmc. Dialects'"Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-07-11. Retrieved 2007-04-28.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- The plurals OHG eigir and OE ǣgru exhibit an s-stem; "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2011-08-09. Retrieved 2016-02-07.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link).
- Joseph B. Voyles, Early Germanic Grammar (San Diego: Harcourt Brace, 1992), 25-6.
- James Marchand, The Sounds and Phonemes of Wulfila's Gothic, The Hague: Mouton (1973), 87.
- Petersen, Hjalmar P. (2002). "Verschärfung in Old Norse and Gothic". Arkiv för nordisk filologi. 117: 5–27. ISSN 0066-7668.
- William M. Austin, Germanic Reflexes of Indo-European -Hy- and -Hw-, Language (1958), 203-211.
- Rowe, Charley, The problematic Holtzmann's Law in Germanic, Indogermanische Forschungen 108, (2003), 258-266.
- L. C. Smith, What's all the fuss about 16 words? A new approach to Holtzmann's law Göttinger Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 1.
- L. C. Smith, Holtzmann's law: getting to the hart of the Germanic verscharfung, University of Calgary thesis, ISBN 0-612-24623-X (1997).