Crusader states

The Crusader states were a number of mostly 12th- and 13th-century feudal Christian states created by Western European crusaders in Asia Minor, Greece and the Holy Land, and during the Northern Crusades in the eastern Baltic area. The name also refers to other territorial gains (often small and short-lived) made by medieval Christendom against Muslim and pagan adversaries.

The Crusader states in the Levantthe Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Principality of Antioch, the County of Tripoli, and the County of Edessa[1]were the first examples of "Europe overseas". Between them, they span the period from 1098 to 1291. They are generally known by historians as Outremer, from the French outre-mer ("overseas" in English).[2][3] Frank French and Latin were used during the Crusades for Western Europeans, distinguishing them from Greeks.[4][5]


Beginning in the 7th century, following the foundation of the Islamic religion by Muhammad and through the 8th century Muslim Arabs under the Umayyad Caliphate captured Syria, Egypt, Iran, the Levant and North Africa from the Byzantine Empire, and Iberia from the Visigothic Kingdom.[6]

In 750 a bloody coup brought an end to Umayyad rule, leading to the gradual fragmentation of the monolithic Islamic state and the relocation of the political and economic centre of the Islamic world to Iran and Iraq and away from Palestine.[7] By the run up to the crusades at end of the 11th century the age of Islamic territorial expansion was long gone.[8] However, frontier conditions between the Christian and Muslim world remained across the Mediterranean Sea. From the 8th century, in what later became known as the Reconquista, the Christians were campaigning in Spain and Norman adventurers led by Roger de Hauteville, later King Roger I of Sicily, seized Sicily from the Muslims.[9] The ‘Holy Land’ had been under Arab Muslim control for more than four centuries with fluctuating levels of tolerance, trade, and political relationships between the Muslims and the Christians. Catholic pilgrims had access to sacred sites and Christian residents in Muslim territories were given Dhimmi status, legal rights, and legal protection. Indigenous Christians were allowed to maintain churches, and marriages between faiths were not uncommon.[10] Malcolm Barber, a British scholar of medieval history, indicates that in the Crusader state of the Kingdom of Jerusalem the Holy Sepulchre was added to in the 7th century and rebuilt in 1022, "after a previous collapse". "In 691–2 Caliph Abd al Malik had built a great dome over the rock here, a place sacred to all three great religions".[11]

The Orthodox Christian Byzantine Empire of Constantinople reached a zenith in early 11th century with frontiers stretching East to Iran while in the West controlling Bulgaria and much of southern Italy. However, from this point the arrival of new enemies on all frontiers placed intolerable strains on the resources of the Empire and the neighbouring Arab Muslim regimes.[12] This made the Byzantines susceptible to the opportunity presented by western military aid from the Papacy for specific campaigns.[13][14] The situation was a serious threat to the future of the Eastern Orthodox Byzantine Empire. The Emperor sent a plea to the Pope in Rome to send military aid to restore the lost territories to Christian rule. The result was a series of western European military campaigns into the eastern Mediterranean, known as the Crusades. Unfortunately for the Byzantines, the crusaders had no allegiance to the Byzantine Emperor and established their own states in the conquered regions, including the heart of the Byzantine Empire.

First Crusade

After the First Crusade's capture of Jerusalem and victory at Ascalon the majority of the Crusaders considered their pilgrimage complete and returned to Europe. Godfrey of Bouillon was left with only 300 knights and 2,000 infantry to defend the territory won in the Eastern Mediterranean. Only Tancred of the crusader princes remained with the aim of establishing his own lordship.[15] At this point the Franks held only Jerusalem, Antioch and Edessa but not the surrounding country. Jerusalem remained economically sterile despite the advantages of being the centre of administration of church and state and benefiting from streams of pilgrims.[16]

Consolidation in the first half of the 12th-century established four Crusader states:

These states were the first examples of "Europe overseas". They are generally known as outremer, from the French outre-mer ("overseas" in English).



The eastern Mediterranean Crusader statesthe first example of European colonialismare known as Outremer, from the French outre-mer or "Europe Overseas".[18] Outremer was a multiethnic community, with a Frank minority amongst Muslims and Arabic-speaking Christians. The Muslim and local Christian communities appear to have been nearly equivalent in size, but they were less integrated than previously thought. The Palestinian Christians lived around Jerusalem and in an arc stretching from Jericho and the Jordan to Hebron in the south. Comparing archaeologically detectable Christian churches built before the Muslim conquest and Ottoman census records, Jotischky concludes that some local Greek Orthodox communities disappeared in Palestine before the crusaders' arrival, but most of them survived at least until the 16th century. The Kingdom of Jerusalem's central areas appear to have had a Muslim majority population from the 7th century, when the Samaritan communities were destroyed. The Muslims mainly adhered to Sunni Islam, but Shiʿi communities existed in Galilee. The Druze, a nonconformist Muslim group, were first mentioned as living in the mountains of Tripoli during the Crusader period. Among the minority Christian groups, the Maronites were concentrated in Tripoli, the Jacobites in Antioch and Edessa. Most Armenians also lived in the northern Crusader states, but Armenian communities existed in all major towns. The Jewish population survived in the coastal towns and in some Galilean villages.[19][20]

At the zenith of the Crusader states, the total Latin population of the region reached around 250,000 with Jerusalem amounting to about 120,000 and the total combined numbers in Tripoli, Antioch and Edessa being broadly similar.[21] By way of context, Josiah Russell roughly estimates the population of what he calls "Islamic territory" as 12.5 million in 1000Anatolia 8 million, Syria 2 million, Egypt 1.5 million and North Africa 1 million with the European areas that provided crusaders having a population of 23.7 million. He estimates that by 1200 that these figures had risen to 13.7 million in Islamic territoryAnatolia 7 million, Syria 2.7 million, Egypt 2.5 million and North Africa 1.5 million while the Crusaders' home countries population was 35.6 million. Russell acknowledges that much of Anatolia was Christian or under the Byzantines and "Islamic" areas such as Mosul and possibly Baghdad had significant Christian populations.[22] The Kingdom of Jerusalem's Frankish population was predominately located in three cities. By the 13th century the population of Acre probably exceeded 60,000, then came Tyre and the capital itself was the smallest of the three with a population somewhere between 20,000 and 30,000.[23] Frankish peasants' presence can be detected in about one-fifth of countryside settlementsin 235 villages. Some of their settlements were planned villages, established to encourage settlers from the West, but Frankish peasants also shared villages with native Christians.[24]


Outremer, as historian Andrew Jotischky emphasizes, was a frontier society, with a Frankish elite ruling over the native population, the latter being closely linked to foreign communities, hostile to the Franks.[25] Historians have developed two principal models on the relationship between settlers and natives. The assimilation model, most popular at the height of French colonialism, proposes that the Franks were tolerant and quickly acculturated to the natives. The opposite segregationist model, emerging in the 1950s, projects a divided society, with Franks secluding in their forts and exploiting the indigenous peoples, Muslims and Christians alike. Jotischky criticizes both models, noting that the aristocracy developed into an "international caste" in whole Europe in the crusading period, but Frankish commoners could hardly segregate themselves from the natives.[26] Historian Christopher Tyerman proposes a "layered political and legal society", with self-governing ethnic communities and with inter-ethnic relations controlled by the ruling Franks.[27] Ideological bias have also influenced studies on Crusader society. The Crusader states' history can provide arguments to both historians who are convinced that people of diverse cultural background can peacefuly live together, and to those thinking that the "clash of civilisations" is inevitable.[28]

In the 1120s, Fulcher of Chartres claimed that the Crusaders' assimilation had already been completed, stating that "we who were Occidentals have become Orientals". He also referred to frequent intermarriages between Franks and Greek Orthodox or Armenian Christians.[29] The taking a Muslim wife was only possible after her conversion by baptism. Children born to converts were known as poulani.[30] Visitors coming from the West also realised the cultural differences between them and the local Franks.[31] The Frankish aristocrats had accommodated themselves to the new environment through adopting, at least partially, the natives' way of life, including loose-fitting clothes and local hygiene. A European observer wrote with disdain of the clouds of perfume surrounding the delegates from Jerusalem in 1184.[32]

The basic division in Crusader society was between Frank and non-Frank, and not between Christian and Muslim. Full citizenship could not be achieved without conversion to Catholicism. The Franks imposed their own feudal culture on agricultural production. This made little difference to the conditions of the subject peoples. The Muslim poll tax on non-Muslims was reversed and no laws limited the Frankish aristocrats' power to raise taxation at punitive levels. Still, Ibn Jubayr, a Muslim traveler from Granada, noted that the Galilean Muslim peasants were prosperous in comparison with their peers under Muslim rule. The key differentiator in status and economic position was between urban and rural dwellers. Indigenous Christians could gain higher status and acquire wealth through commerce and industry in towns but few Muslims lived in urban areas except those in servitude. The indigenous peoples lived in autonomous communities under the rule of their raʾīs, or headmen.[33] Each community operated its own courts for civil proceedings and petty crimes, but only the Franks' cour des bourgeois could pass judgement in cases relating both Franks and local Christians, Muslims or Jews. Greek Orthodox were regularly employed as port officials and they also acted as jurors, along with Franks, in the cour de la fronde, or market court.[34]

The native population lived in casalia, or rural settlements, of various size. The smallest casalia included three families, but more than forty families lived in the largest native settlements. Their modest houses surrounded a public square and the outermost houses were built side by side to form a defensive wall. The village communities took care of the cisterns, threshing floors, mills and ovens. The Frank peasants' planned villages followed a linear design, with a central road and two rows of detached houses. Their two-storey houses were made of rubble and ashlar, and their walls were plastered. The landowners and their officials lived in manor houses in the countryside. The manor houses included stables, warehouses, workshops and a hall-house or a tower, because they were the centers of local administration and industry.[35]

Antropological research of the cemeteries of the Crusader period has revealed that infant mortality was high, but not higher than experienced in other regions. Most children died of meningitis, anemia or periostitis. Adults suffered from gout and brain abscess.[36]


The position of the Frankish monarchs was stable. The kings of Jerusalem had exclusive right to collect tolls in the ports and the royal demesne was extensive. The hereditary principle governed the succession to the throne from the 1120s. King consorts from Europe ruled the kingdom from 1187 to 1228, giving rise to conflicts between their retainers and the old nobility. The nobility emerged from the retainers of the leaders of the First Crusade, but it was always open to immigrants from the west.[37]

Historian Peter Lock states, "legal and constitutional developments in Jerusalem kept abreast, if not in the forefront, of similar developments in Europe". The holders of the major fiefs were members of the kings' High Courtan advisory, legislative and judicial body. The great officers of the realm also attended the High Court. The monarchs convened the delegates of knights, clerics and burghers to general assemblies to discuss matters of general interest. The laws passed at the High Court, or the Assizes of Jerusalem, were collected by Philip of Novara and John of Ibelin in the 13th century.[38] The aristocrats protected their fiefs against the monarchs' arbitrary actions, withdrawing their loyalty from kings ignoring their liberties. Aristocratic opponents to the Hohenstaufen monarchs established the Commune of Acre to replace the High Court, because only the monarch or his representative could summon the High Court.[39]

Religious life

The Latin Church developed in an initial ad-hoc manner and under lay control. Antioch and Jerusalem were transformed into Latin patriarchal sees. Latin clerics were appointed to the local bishoprics, replacing Orthodox bishops in the coastal towns. The Catholic Church focussed on the towns and pilgrimages. Large Romanesque cathedrals, apt for the reception of masses, were built at the most popular shrines. The newly built Church of the Holy Sepulchre, completed in 1149, enclosed both the site of Christ's crucification and his tomb. Its new design gave rise to a new element of Easter liturgy, named Visitatio sepulchri, commemorating the visit of Jesus' female disciples to his tomb. The first Latin patriarch of Jerusalem, Arnulf of Chocques, ousted the Greek Orthodox monks from the Holy Sepulchre, but he had to back off, because the miracle of Easter Firethe misterious lighting of the candles in the churchdid not work in their absence.[40][41]

The Greek Orthodox were left without a higher clergy, because the Latins regarded the Greek Orthodox Church as an integral part of the universal Church. The appointment of Latin bishops had little effect on the Arabic-speaking local Orthodox clergy, because the Orthodox bishops had also been foreigners, sent from the Byzantine Empire. The Latin bishops appointed Orthodox coadjutor bishops to head the Orthodox clergy in their dioceses. Latin and Orthodox parishioners shared the same churches in many villages. The Orthodox clergy sticked to their customs, outraging the papal legate James of Vitry in the 13th century. Orthodox monasteries were rebuilt and Orthodox monastic life revived. Under exceptional circumstances, mainly for political reasons, Greek clerics were appointed to replace the Latin patriarchs in Antioch.[42][43]

The spiritual life of the Monophysite Armenians, Copts and Jacobites, the Nestorians and the Maronites were administered by their own bishops, because the Latins regarded them as heretics. They were allowed to keep their altars in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Aimery of Limoges, Patriarch of Antioch, managed to bring the Maronites into communion with Rome around 1181, establishing a precedent for the Uniate Churches.[44] Muslims and Jews were forbidden to live in Jerusalem and some mosques were converted into Christian churches. The Franks, however, did not force the local Muslims to convert to Christianity. Frankish lords were particularly reluctant, because conversion would have ended the Muslim peasants' servile status. The Muslims could pray in public and their pilgrimages to Mecca continued.[45] The Samaritans' annual Passover festival attracted visitors from beyond the kingdom's borders.[46]

Both Christian and Muslim pilgrims visited the Cave of the Patriarchs at Hebron. The Saint John Hospital received patients of any faith in Jerusalem. The Templars allowed their Muslim visitors to pray in their headquarters.[47]


Largely based in the ports of Acre, Tyre, Tripoli and Sidon, Italian, Provençal and Catalan communes had distinct cultural characteristics and exerted significant political power. Separate from the Frankish nobles or burgesses, the communes were autonomous political entities closely linked to their towns of origin. This gave the inhabitants the ability to monopolise foreign trade and almost all banking and shipping in the Outremer. Their parent cities' naval support was essential for the Crusader states and they took every opportunity to extend trade privileges. One example saw the Venetians first receiving a single street in Acre for their participation in the 1110 siege of Sidon, then acquiring one-third of Tyre and the right to self-government for their naval support during the 1124 siege of the town. The communards lived in small houses, but most commune owned a shopping center and a two- or three-storey palace with logdgings and shops to be rented out. Despite all efforts, the Syrian and Palestinian ports were unable to replace Alexandria and Constantinople as the primary centres of commerce in the region. Instead, the communes competed with the monarchs and each other to maintain economic advantage. Power derived from the support of the communards' native cities rather than their number, which never reached more than hundreds. Thus, by the middle of the 13th century, the rulers of the communes were barely required to recognise the authority of the Crusaders and divided Acre into several fortified miniature republics.[48][49]


Records preserved by John of Ibelin indicate that the military force of the kingdom of Jerusalem was based on a feudal host of about 647 to 675 knights in 1170. Each feudatory would also provide his own armed retainers. This force would be augmented by mercenary serjants and John records 5,025 of these. In times of emergency, the king could also call upon a general muster of the population. Historian Joshua Prawer estimates that the military orders could match the fighting strength of the king's army. This means the total military strength of the kingdom can be estimated at 1,200 knights and 10,000 serjants. This indicates further territorial gains were possible, but these were likely to be nothing more than ephemeral because of a lack of the required numbers to maintain military domination. This demographic lack of numbers was also a problem defensively. Putting an army into the field required draining every crusader castle and city of all able-bodied fighting men. In the case of a defeat such as the battle of Hattin, there remained no one to resist the invaders. Muslim armies were incohesive and seldom campaigned beyond a period between sowing and harvest. As a result, the crusaders adopted delaying tactics when faced with a superior invading Muslim force. They would avoid direct confrontation, instead retreating to strongholds and waiting for the Muslim army to disperse. It took generations before the Muslims recognised that the destruction of the walled cities and castles would end crusader rule. This strategic change forced the crusaders away from the tactic of gaining and holding territory, including Jerusalem. Instead the aim was to attack and destroy Egypt. By removing this constant regional challenge, the Crusaders hoped to gain the necessary time to improve the kingdom's demographic weakness.[50]


In 1191 the English king, Richard I, conquered Cyprus while journeying by sea to the Third Crusade. This was in response of the capture of his sister and his fiancée by the Cypriot ruler, Isaac Komnenos.[51] A year later Richard facilitaed the sale of the island to Guy of Lusignan for 40,000 bezants as part of the settlement intended to end his rule in Jerusalem and make Conrad of Montferrat king.[52] After the fall of Acre in 1291, the Templars and the Hospitallers relocated to Cyprus where they became deeply involved in local politics.[53]

Frankish Greece

After the Fourth Crusade, the territories of the Byzantine Empire were divided into several states, beginning the so-called "Francocracy" (Greek: Φραγκοκρατία) period:

The Latin states established on the ruins of the Byzantine Empire were no more than new elements of the regional patchwork of petty realms. The Achaean princely court at Mistra was famed as a centre of chivalry in the middle of the 13th century, but Latin rule in Greece was fragile. Greece did not attract colonists from Europe and the "erroneous" Catholic religious practices outraged the local Orthodox population. Epirote troops ousted the Latins from Thessaloniki in 1224, and Byzantine rule was restored in Constantinople from Nicaea in 1261. Achaea and Athens endured, but only under the suzerainty of the Angevin rulers of Naples. The Catalan Company, a group of freelance mercenaries, destroyed the cavalry of Frankish Greece and seized Athens in 1311. Always in need of funds, the Angevins ceded large parcels of their Morean principality to the Acciaioli, a family of Florentine bankers. Athens fell to the Ottoman Turks in 1456.[54][55]

Several islands, most notably Crete (1204–1669), Euboea (Negroponte, until 1470), and the Ionian Islands (until 1797) came under the rule of Venice.

These states faced the attacks of the Byzantine Greek successor states of Nicaea and Epirus, as well as Bulgaria. Thessalonica and the Latin Empire were reconquered by the Byzantine Greeks by 1261. Descendants of the Crusaders continued to rule in Athens and the Peloponnesus (Morea) until the 15th century when the area was conquered by the Ottoman Empire.

  • The military order of the Knights Hospitaller of Saint John established itself on Rhodes (and several other Aegean islands; see below) in 1310, with regular influx of new blood, until the Ottomans finally drove them out (to Malta) in 1522.
    • The island of Kastellorizo (like Rhodes a part of the Aegean Dodecanese island group) was taken by the Knights of St. John Hospitaller of Jerusalem in 1309; the Egyptians occupied it from 1440 until 1450; then the Kingdom of Naples ruled till Ottoman conquest in 1512; Venetian rule began in 1659 (as Castellorosso); all these states, excluding the Egyptians, were Catholic; Ottoman rule was reestablished in 1660, although Greeks controlled the island during the Greek War of Independence from 1828–33.
    • Other neighbouring territories temporarily under the order were: the cities of Smyrna (now İzmir; 1344–1402), Attaleia (now Antalya; 1361–1373 and Halicarnassos (now Bodrum;1402–1522), all three in Anatolia; the Greek Isthmus city of Corinth (1397–1404)), the city of Salona (ancient Amphissa; 1407–1410) and the islands of Ikaria (1424–1521) and Kos (1215–1522), all now in Greece.

The Venetians endured a long-standing conflict with the Ottoman Empire until the final possessions were lost in the Seventh Ottoman–Venetian War in the 18th century. This period of Greek history is known as the Frankokratia or Latinokratia ("Frankish or Latin rule") and designates a period when Catholic western European nobles, primarily from France and Italy, ruled over the Orthodox Byzantine Greeks on former Byzantine territory.[56]


Europeans needed to communicate with Muslims in the East during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries after the formation of Crusader States. As such, many Franks adopted the Arabic language to achieve this.[57]

Historiographical debate

Traditional historiography argued that Frankish states were only minorly influenced by Islamic culture and language. HE Mayer says the Franks coexisted with Muslims in the East, but ‘there was no symbiosis’.[58] However, HM Attiya argues Frankish knowledge of Arabic was more extensive than previous scholarly works believed. In particular, this was necessary for creating trade agreements, governing Muslim subjects and for political negotiations.[59] Attiya concedes, however, that bilingual communication between the Franks and Muslims was predominantly oral.[60]

Language and trade

The Franks needed knowledge of Arabic to be able to trade with Muslim merchants in the East. Trade continued between the factions throughout increasing hostilities in the region, with Attiya noting Ibn Jubayr of Granada’s account of Muslim merchants travelling from Egypt to Damascus, and from Damascus to Acre during Saladin’s second siege of Karak.[61]

Language and administration

A knowledge of Arabic was necessary in the governance of Crusader States, due to the large groups of Muslim inhabitants that were under Frankish rule. During the generation after the First Crusade, Muslims were gradually allowed to settle in lands under Crusader rule, with Muslims settling in Antioch by 1104, Jerusalem and Sidon by 1110 and in Tyre by 1124. This resulted in the largest groups under the control of the Crusaders in Outremer being Muslims and the Suriani, an Arab speaking group who were Greek Orthodox.[62] Similarly, agriculture in the region was predominantly undertaken by Muslims who inhabited most of the Syrian coast.[63]

Language in the Gesta Francorum

The Gesta "explicitly refers to some Franks who knew Arabic". The first wave of Crusaders relied on interpreters to communicate with the Muslims in the East. For example, a Priest called Herluin acted as an interpreter for Peter the Hermit in 1098.[64] Similarly, Bohemond of Taranto sent a translator to the Muslims in Maarat al-Nurman conveying conditions for the city’s surrender in December 1098.[65] These interpreters most likely came from the regions of Southern Italy or Sicily, who had been trading with Arabs for over a generation and were more accustomed with the Arabic language than Crusaders hailing from Western Europe.[66]

Knowledge of Arabic amongst Crusader leaders

Reynald, Lord of Beaufort and Sidon, learnt Arabic and would visit Saladin to debate religion. In 1191 he negotiated with Saladin on behalf of Conrad of Montferrat.[67] Humphrey of Tebnine negotiated with Saladin on behalf of Richard the Lionheart in 1191 due to his knowledge of Arabic.[68] Simon, a scribe for the Hospitaller Knights, acted as an interpreter to the Muslims in Homs. He also negotiated for the Templars with the Muslims in Aleppo in 1232.[69] Baldwin of Ibelin ‘mastered Arabic’ and led the French delegation that secured the release of Louis IX of France from the Mamluks.[70]

Northern Crusades

In the Baltic region, the indigenous tribes in the Middle Ages at first staunchly refused Christianity. In 1193, Pope Celestine III urged Christians to have a crusade against the heathens which included the Old Prussians, the Lithuanians and other tribes inhabiting Estonia, Latvia and East Prussia. This period of warfare is called the Northern Crusades.

In the aftermath of the Northern Crusades William of Modena as Papal legate solved the disputes between the crusaders in Livonia and Prussia.

In literature

  • In the Chanson de Roland, "Outremer" is used as the name of a fictional Muslim country. It is identified as one of the many countries participating in the general mobilization of the Muslim world against Christianity at the climax of the plot.
  • Robert E. Howard: Hawks of Outremer, West Kingston, Rhode Island: Donald M. Grant, 1979.
  • Sharon Kay Penman : "Lionheart", G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York 2011. Marian Wood Books/Putnam, London 2011. ISBN 978-0-399-15785-1. In "Lionheart", the protagonists are introduced sailing to Outremer. The novel revolves around Richard the Lionheart's Crusades in the Holy Land.

See also



    1. Barber 2012, p. xiii
    2. "Outremer". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
    3. Riley-Smith 2005, pp. 50–51
    4. "Frank". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
    5. "Latin". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
    6. Tyerman 2006, pp. 51–54
    7. Asbridge 2012, p. 18
    8. Jotischky 2004, p. 40
    9. Mayer 1988, pp. 17–18
    10. Findley 2005, p. 73
    11. Barber 2012, p. 110
    12. Jotischky 2004, pp. 42–46
    13. Jotischky 2004, p. 46
    14. Asbridge 2012, p. 27
    15. Asbridge 2012, p. 106
    16. Prawer 2001, p. 87
    17. Asbridge 2012, pp. 147–50
    18. "Outremer". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
    19. Jotischky 2004, pp. 131–132
    20. Prawer 2001, pp. 49,51
    21. Prawer 2001, p. 396
    22. Russell 1985, p. 298
    23. Prawer 2001, p. 82
    24. Jotischky 2004, p. 150
    25. Jotischky 2004, p. 17
    26. Jotischky 2004, pp. 17–19
    27. Tyerman 2019, p. 127
    28. Asbridge 2012, p. 175
    29. Asbridge 2012, pp. 177–178
    30. Lock 2006, pp. 433–434
    31. Jotischky 2004, pp. 17–19
    32. Tyerman 2019, pp. 141, 146
    33. Jotischky 2004, pp. 128–130
    34. Tyerman 2019, pp. 127, 131
    35. Boas 1999, pp. 62–68
    36. Boas 1999, p. 226
    37. Lock 2006, pp. 426–427
    38. Lock 2006, pp. 427–428
    39. Jotischky 2004, pp. 224, 244
    40. Jotischky 2004, pp. 135–141
    41. Lock 2006, pp. 428–432
    42. Jotischky 2004, pp. 141–143
    43. Lock 2006, p. 432
    44. Lock 2006, p. 430
    45. Jotischky 2004, pp. 127–128
    46. Tyerman 2019, pp. 131–132
    47. Tyerman 2019, pp. 131–132
    48. Prawer 2001, pp. 85–93
    49. Jotischky 2004, pp. 151–152
    50. Asbridge 2012, pp. 429–430
    51. Asbridge 2012, p. 494
    52. Jotischky 2004, p. 141
    53. Jotischky 2004, pp. 208–210
    54. Lock 2006, pp. 125, 133, 337, 436–437
    55. Jotischky 2004, pp. 206–212
    56. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 203.
    57. Mayer, Hans E (June 1978). "LATINS, MUSLIMS AND GREEKS IN THE LATIN KLNGDOM OF JERUSALEM". History. 63 (208): 175.
    58. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 205.
    59. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 206.
    60. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 207.
    61. Jotischky, Andrew (2017). Crusading and the Crusader States. Taylor and Francis. p. 141.
    62. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 208.
    63. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 206.
    64. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 206.
    65. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 206.
    66. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 206.
    67. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 206.
    68. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 206.
    69. Attiya, Hussein M (1999). "Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries". Journal of Medieval History. 25 (3): 207.
    70. High medieval rural settlement in Scandinavia; The Cambridge History of Scandinavia By Knut Helle; p. 269 ISBN 0-521-47299-7


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    • Russell, Josiah C. (1985). "The Population of the Crusader States". In Zacour, Norman P.; Hazard, Harry W. (eds.). A History of the Crusades. 5 The Impact of the Crusades on the Near East. The University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 295–314. ISBN 0-299-09140-6.
    • Tyerman, Christopher (2006). God's War: A New History of the Crusades. Belknap Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02387-1.
    • Tyerman, Christopher (2019). The World of the Crusades. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-21739-1.

    Primary sources

    • Burns, Robert Ignatius. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Documents 1-500: Foundations of crusader Valencia, revolt and recovery, 1257-1263. Vol. 2. (Princeton University Press, 2007)
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